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JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS, 



AUTHENTIC NARRATIVE 



MEMORABLE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE AMERICAN ARMY, 



%\\kt\u $aclisim, before ftefe (Srltatts, 



IN THE Vv r INTER OF 1814, '15. 



ALEXANDER WALKER. 



NEW YORK: 
J. C. DERBY, 119NASSAU STREET 

CINCINNATI :— II. W. DERBY. 



| v£l^ J^-t^^A A^^L G. /fc 



NSVV 7 - 



Entered Recording \o Act of Congress, in the year \»S$, oy 

J. C. DERBY, 

In the Clerk* Office of the District Court of the U. S. for the Southern District ^f New Yw»* 



W. II. Fimsox, Stereotype/. Pubkxy A KcaaHUL, Print* 



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INTRODUCTION 



There is no campaign in modern military history, which, for Its 
extent, was more complete in all its parts, and more brilliant in its 
results, than that conducted by Andrew Jackson in 1814-15, in the 
defence of New Orleans. In the brief period of twenty-six days, a town 
of less than eighteen thousand inhabitants, including all sexes and ages, 
without forts — natural or artificial defences — exposed to approach and 
attack on all sides, by land and water — with an army of less than five 
.thousand militia, hastily raised en ??iasse, and illy armed and accoutred — 
was not only successfully defended against a veteran army of ten 
thousand of the best soldiers in the world, but was made forever 
glorious by the most brilliant victory, which has been achieved since the 
invention of gunpowder. ' The peculiarities of this victory are the 
astonishing and unprecedented disparity of loss between the combatants, 
and the marvellous proofs of steadiness, of skill and rapidity in the use 
of fire-arms, displayed by the American militia. The splendor of the 
closing victory has obscured many features of this campaign, which con- 
tributed largely to the final result, and, as valuable lessons and glorious 
illustrations of the valor of our citizen soldiers, and of the genius of 
the great Chief and Hero — whose lofty soul was the fountain of inspira- 
tion, from which all engaged in that defence, drew courage, confidence, 
and patriotic resolution — ought not to be forgotten or hastily glanced 
over. These sketches have been written with the hope of preventing 
Buch unpatriotic lapses of memory in the present generation. 



ly 



INTRODUCTION. 



It is believed that the campaign of 1814-15 has not received full 
justice, in the narratives, which have been published, the numerous merits 
of which have been marred by serious errors. By comparing these 
various versions and by constant consultations with those, who played 
prominent parts on both sides in this drama, it is believed that the 
following account, which does not aspire to the dignity of history, and is 
divested of cumbrous details and of military technicalities, is as faithful 
and exact as it is practicable to render a narrative of this description. 

There are in most of the histories of this campaign, errors of a serious 
character, which ought to be corrected before the evidence thereof has 
perished or disappeared. Personal and political feeling and prejudice, 
which, in so many histories, have warped and tinged the facts of this 
epoch, have been studiously excluded from the mind of the writer of 
these sketches. His sole desire has been to do full justice to American 
valor and patriotism, and to present truthful and vivid pictures of that 
memorable defence, and of the conduct of the great Chief, who, springing 
from the people, a frontier warrior, without science, art or experience 
in military affairs, was enabled through the smiles of Providence, by his 
stout heart, his sagacious intellect, and ardent patriotism, to repel, punish, 
and nearly destroy one of the best appointed armies ever sent forth by 
the greatest Power of the earth. Ought such deeds to be permitted to 
fade from the memories of a patriotic people ? Is it not a reproach to 
the present generation, that modern events of far less splendor and 
importance should occupy their minds, to the exclusion of memories like 
these we have invoked? It is demonstratable that in every aspect in 
which it may be viewed, the defence of Sevastopol in 1854-55 by the 
Russians, against the allied armies of Great Britain and France, is far 
less remarkable as a military exploit, than the defence of New Orleans 
in 1814-15 ; whilst the operations of the Allies have displayed less reso- 
lution and energy than were evinced by the veteran army of Packenham. 
The occurrence of the former operations presents a favorable occasion 
for the reproduction of the facts of the last-named campaign, in which 
will be found some remarkable coincidences, with the events of the 
Crimean Expedition. Thus, it will be perceived that the failure of the 
one, and the disastrous delays of the other expedition, may be traced to 



INTRODUCTION. V 

the same cause, namely the lack of promptitude and decision in the 
commander of the attacking party. It is conceded on all sides that 
if the Allied Army had advanced upon, and stormed Sevastopol 
immediately after the victory at Alma, it could have entered and 
captured the town. So, it is equally clear that General Keane could 
have marched into New Orleans after the battle of the 23rd December 
1814. The strength of earth-works against the most powerful batteries, 
which was so strongly shown in Jacksotf's defence, was again illus- 
trated on the southern side of Sevastopol, against the same British 
Engineering-officer who constructed the redoubts which Jackson's Artil- 
lery destroyed in three hoars on the plains of Chalmette, on the first of 
January 1814 ; this unfortunate officer is Sir John Burgoyne, Inspector 
of Fortifications in the British army. The lesson at New Orleans should 
have taught another wholesome truth to the projectors of the Crimean 
Expedition — that of the great peril and difficulty of all attempts 
to capture a town, the communica-tion of which, with the interior, is 
left open and unobstructed. In this respect the positions of New 
Orleans and Sevastopol were identical. Finally these two campaigns 
have demonstrated this other valuable and encouraging truth ; that in 
the most remote and exposed points of a united Nation, we often find 
the most brilliant proofs of patriotism, courage, and devotion. 

A. W. 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTEK 

i. jackson's first entry into new Orleans 

ii. lafttte, " the pirate" .... 

iii. lafitte, the patriot 

iv. jackson clears his flanks 

v. the british review and embarkation 

vi. battle of lake borgne .... 

vii. the british landing and bivouac 

viii. the alarm — the rally — the march . 

ix. battle of the twenty-third of december, 1814. 

x. sir edward packenham .... 

xi. a demonstration and a defeat 

xii. the british bring up their big guns 

Xin. BATTLE OF THE BATTERIES .... 

XIV. TWO NOTABLE WARRIORS AND REVOLUTIONISTS 

XV. PREPARATION FOR THE FINAL CONFLICT 

XVI. THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS — THE VICTORY 

XVII. BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS — THE DISASTER 

XVIII. CLOSING INCIDENTS 

XIX. THE FINALE 



PAGS 

9 

31 

49 
62 
77 
95 
116 
138 
164 
197 
222 
239 
254 
273 
297 
321 
249 
367 
385 



JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS 



JACKSON S FIRST ENTRY INTO NEW ORLEANS. 

In the rear of the city of New Orleans, and about a 
mile from its centre, there is a small, narrow, winding, 
and still stream, called, in the South, a Bayou, which 
communicates with Lake Pontchartrain. This bayou, 
no doubt, once flowed from the Mississippi, but in the 
progress of time and in the process of accretion, its 
source has been thrown some distance from the river, 
and now starting in the swamp above the city, it steals 
through an indentation of the delta, winds along the 
base of the Metairie Kidge (a curious protrusion from 
the level plain in which New Orleans is built), and, 
approaching the suburbs of the city, turns abruptly to 
the east, and then, with sluggish current, meanders 
towards the lake. A canal, commenced by that great 
benefactor of New Orleans, Baron Carondelet, the 
labor of which was performed by slaves belonging to 
the citizens, who were levied upon for that purpose, 
which was completed in 1796, connects the bayou with 

1* 



10 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

the city, and thus supplies the latter with an excellent 
water communication with the lake, through which, in 
the early days of its history, much of the commerce of 
New Orleans was conducted. Biloxi, the Bay of Saint 
Louis and Pass Christian were then nourishing settle- 
ments, where the French established their first colonies, 
before the mouth of the Mississippi had been dis- 
covered, and where most of the shipping engaged in the 
foreign and coastwise trade came to anchor, and trans- 
shipping their cargoes into smaller crafts, sent them to 
New Orleans through the Bayou Saint John (the name 
of the stream we have described), and the canal 
Carondelet. There, at the head of navigation on the 
bayou, and about half a mile from the mouth of the 
canal, is the old settlement of Saint John, which existed 
when the present site of New Orleans was an unbroken 
swamp, the favorite retreat of alligators and other rep- 
tiles. But time has wrought a striking change in the 
character and aspect of these localities. The seashore 
settlements no longer resorted to for purposes of trade, 
are now only known as places of summer sojourn and 
recreation. Thither flock the jaded denizens of the city, 
to refresh their wearied frames, to invigorate broken 
constitutions, to relieve their minds of the oppression 
of all business cares, and to inhale an atmosphere of 
luxurious and exhilarating salubrity. 

Alas ! this ancient canal and bayou followed the for- 
tunes of the ancient population of New Orleans, and, 
in the march of Anglo-American enterprise, lost its 
value and importance as a vehicle of commerce, when a 
new canal of larger dimensions was constructed in 
another part of the city, where the all-conquering invad- 
ers from Northern climes had " pitched their tents." 



jackson's first entry into new Orleans. 11 

The fame and history of this old bayou and canal had 
become classical, as relics of a past age and generation. 
They were intimately associated with the early glories 
of New Orleans, and were, therefore, held in warm vene- 
ration by the old inhabitants. Several attempts have 
been made to restore the fortunes of the old bayou, and 
render it what it appears to be so admirably designed 
for, an additional means of traDsit for the great and 
rapidly increasing commerce between JSTew Orleans and 
the growing towns and settlements on the Lake and 
Gulf shore; but thus far they have not proved suc- 
cessful. 

The Bayou St. John empties into Lake Pontchartrain 
at a distance of seven miles from the city. Here, at 
its mouth, may be seen the remains, in an excellent 
state of preservation, of an old Spanish fort, which was 
built many years ago by one of the Spanish Governors, 
as a protection of this important point ; for, by glancing 
at the map of New Orleans and its vicinity, it will be 
seen that a maritime power could find no easier approach 
to the city than through the Bayou St. John. This fort 
was built, as the Spaniards built all their fortifications 
in this State, where stone could not be procured, of small 
brick, imported from Europe, cemented with a much 
more adhesive and permanent material than is now used 
for building, and with walls of great thickness and 
solidity. The foundation and walls of the fort still re- 
main, interesting vestiges of the old Spanish dominion. 
On the mound and within the walls, stands a comfort- 
able hotel, where, in the summer season, may be ob- 
tained healthful cheer, generous liquors, and a pleasant 
view of the placid and beautiful lake, over whose gentle 
bosom the sweet south wind comes with just power 



12 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

enough to raise a gentle ripple on its mirror-like surface, 
bringing joy and relief to the wearied townsman, and 
debilitated invalid. What a different scene did this fort 
present forty years ago ! Then there were large cannon 
looking frowningly through those embrasures, which are 
now tilled up with dirt and rubbish, and around them 
clustered glittering bayonets and tierce-looking men, full 
of military ardor and determination. There, too, was 
much of the reality, if not of " the pomp and circum- 
stance " of war. High above the fort, from the summit 
of a lofty staff, floated not the showy banner of Old 
Spain, with its glittering and mysterious emblazonry, 
but that simplest and most beautiful of all national 
standards, the Stars and Stripes of the"Hepublic of the 
United States. 

From the Fort St. John to the city, the distance i3 
six or seven miles. Along the bayou, which twists its 
sinuous course like a huge dark green serpent, through 
the swamp, lies a good road, hardened by a pavement 
of shells, taken from the bottom of the lake. Hereon, 
city Jehus now exercise their fast nags, and lovely 
ladies take their evening airings. But at the time our 
narrative commences, it was a very bad road, being 
low, muddy, and broken. The ride, which now occu- 
pies some twenty minutes very delightfully, was then a 
wearisome two hours' journey. 

. It was along this road, early on the morning of the 
2d December, 1S14, that a party of gentlemen rode at 
a brisk trot, from the lake towards the city. The mist, 
which during the night broods over the swamp, had not 
cleared off. The air was chilly, damp and uncomfor- 
table. The travellers, however, were evidently hardy 
men, accustomed t<> exgosure 3 and intent upon purposes 



13 

too absorbing to leave any consciousness of external 
discomforts. Though devoid of all military, display 
and even of the ordinary equipments of soldiers, the 
bearing and appearance of these men betokened their 
connection with the profession of arms. The chief of 
the party, which was composed of five or six persons, 
was a tall, gaunt man, of very erect carriage, with a 
countenance full of stern decision and fearless energy, 
but furrowed with care and anxiety. His complexion 
was sallow and unhealthy ; his hair was iron grey, and 
his body thin and emaciated, like that of one who had 
just recovered from a lingering and painful sickness. 
But the fierce glare of his bright and hawk-like grey 
eye, betrayed a soul and spirit which triumphed over 
all the infirmities of the body. His dress was simple, 
and nearly threadbare. A small leather cap protected 
his head, and a short Spanish blue cloak his body, 
whilst his feet and leo;s were encased in hi^h dragoon 
boots, long igorant of j)olish or blacking, which reached 
to the knees. In age, he appeared to have passed about 
forty-five winters, — the season for which his stern and 
hardy nature seemed peculiarly adapted. 

The others of the party were younger men, wdiose 
spirits and movements were more elastic and careless, 
and who relieved the weariness of the journey wu'th 
many a jovial story. 

Arriving at the high ground near the junction of the 
Canal Carondelet with the Bayou St. John, where a 
bridge spanned the bayou, and quite a village had 
grown up, the travellers halted before an old Spanish 
villa, and, throwing their bridles to some grinning 
negro boys at the gates, dismounted and walked into 
the house. On entering the gallery, they were received 



14 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

in a very cordial and courteous manner, by J. Kilty 
Smith, Esq., then a leading New-Orleans merchant of 
enterprise and public spirit, aud who, a few months ago, 
still survived, one of the most venerable of that small 
band of the early American settlers, in the great com- 
mercial emporium of the South, who, out-living several 
generations, still linger in green old age, amid the scenes 
of their youthful struggles, and survey, with proud satis- 
faction, the greatness to which that city has grown, 
whose tender infancy they witnessed and helped to 
nurse and rear into a sturdy and robust maturity. On 
the bayou, in an agreeable suburban retreat, Mr. Smith 
had established himself. Here he dispensed a liberal 
hospitality, and lived in such a style as was regarded in 
those economical days, and by the more frugal Spanish 
and French populations, as quite extravagant and 
luxurious. 

Ushering them into the marble-paved hall of his old 
Spanish villa, Mr. Smith soon made his guests comfort- 
able. It was evident that they were not unexpected. 
Soon the company were all seated at the breakfast 
table, which fairly groaned with the abundance of gene- 
rous viands, prepared in that style of incomparable 
cookery, for which the Creoles of Louisiana are so 
renowned. Of this rich and savory food, the younger 
guests partook quite heartily ; but the elder and leader 
of the party was more careful and abstemious, confin- 
ing himself to some boiled hominy, whose whiteness 
rivaled that of the damask table-cloth. In the midst of 
the breakfast, and whilst the company were engaged in 
discussing the news of the day, a servant whispered to 
the host, that he was wanted in the ante-room. Excus- 
ing himself to his guests, Mr. Smith retired to the ante- 



room, and there found himself in the presence of an 
indignant and excited Creole lady, a neighbor, who had 
kindly consented to superintend the preparations in Mr. 
Smith's bachelor-establishment, for the reception of 
some distinguished strangers, and who, in that behalf, 
had imposed upon herself a severe responsibility and 
labor. 

"Ah! Mr. Smith," exclaimed the deceived lady, in 
a half-reproachful, half-indignant style, "how could 
you play such a trick upon me ? You asked me to 
get your house in order to receive a great General. I 
did so, I worked myself almost to death to make your 
house comme il faut, and prepared a splendid dejeuner, 
and now I find that all my labor is thrown away upon 
an ugly, old Kaintuck-nat-boatman, instead of your 
grand General, with plumes, epaulettes, long sword, 
and moustache." 

It was in vain that Mr. Smith strove to remove the 
delusion from the mind of the irate lady, and convince 
her that that plainly-dressed, jaundiced, hard-featured, 
unshorn man, in the old blue coat, and bullet buttons, 
was that famous warrior, Andrew Jackson. 

It was, indeed, Andrew Jackson, who had come, fresh 
from the glories and fatigues of his brilliant Indian 
campaigns, in this unostentatious manner, to the city 
which he had been sent to protect from one of the most 
formidable perils that ever threatened a community. 
Cheerfully and happily had he embraced this awful 
responsibility. He had come to defend a defenceless 
city, situated in the most remote section of the Union, 
— a city which had neither fleets nor forts, means nor 
men — a city, whose population were comparative 
strangers to that of the other States, who sprung from 



16 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

a different national stock, and spoke a different lan- 
guage from that of the overwhelming majority of their 
countrymen — a language entirely unknown to the 
General — to defend it, too, against a power then victo- 
rious over the conqueror of the world, at whose feet the 
mighty Napoleon lay a prostrate victim and chained 
captive. 

After partaking of their breakfast, the General, tak- 
ing out his watch, reminded his companions of the 
necessity of their early entrance into the city. In a 
few minutes, carriages were procured, and the whole 
party rode towards the city, by the old bayou road. 
The General was accompanied by Major Hughes, com- 
mander of the Fort St. John, by Major Butler, and 
Captain Eeid, his Secretary, who afterwards became 
one of his biographers, Major Chotard, and other 
officers of the staff. The cavalcade proceeded to the 
elegant residence of Daniel Clark, the first representa- 
tive of Louisiana, in the Congress of the United States, 
a gentleman of Irish extraction, who had acquired 
great influence, popularity, and wealth, in the city, and 
died shortly after the commencement of the war of 
1812. Here Jackson and his aids were met by a com- 
mittee of the State and city authorities, and of the 
people, at the head of whom was the Governor of the 
State, who, in earnest but rather rhetorical terms, wel- 
comed the General to the city, and proffered him every 
aid of the authorities and the people, to enable him to 
justify the title which they were already conferring 
upon him of " Savior of New Orleans." His Excel- 
lency, W. C. C. Claiborne, the first American Gover- 
nor of Louisiana, a Virginian, of good address, and 
fluent elocution, then in the bloom of life, wtis sup- 



jackson's first entry into new oejleans. 17 

ported by the leading civil and military characters of 
the city. There, in the group was that redoubtable 
naval hero, Commodore Patterson, a stout, compact, 
gallant-bearing man, in the neat undress naval uniform. 
His manner was slightly marked by hauteur, but his 
movement and expression indicated the energy and 
boldness of a man of decided action, as well as confi- 
dent bearing. 

Here, too, was the then Mayor of New Orleans, Nicholas 
Girod, a rotund, affable, pleasant old French gentleman, 
of easy, polite manners. There, too, was Edward Liv- 
ingston, then the leading civil character in the city, — 
a tall, high-shouldered man, of ungraceful figure and 
homely countenance, but whose high brow, and large, 
thoughtful eyes, indicated a profound and powerful 
intellect. By his side stood his youthful rival at the 
the bar — an elegant, graceful, and showily-dressed gentle- 
man, whose figure combined the compact dignity and 
solidity of the soldier, with the ease and grace of the 
man of fashion and taste, and who, as the sole survivor 
of those named, retained, in a remarkable degree, the 
elegance and grace, which characterized his bearing 
forty years ago, to the day of his very recent and lamented 
decease. We refer to John R. Grymes, so long the 
veteran and chief ornament of the New Orleans bar. 

Such were the leading personages in the assembly 
which greeted Jackson's entrance into New Orleans. 

The General replied briefly to the welcome of the 
Governor. He declared that he had come to protect 
the city, and he would drive their enemies into the sea, or 
perish in the effort. He called on all good citizens to 
rally around him in this emergency, and, ceasing all 
differences and divisions, to unite with him in the 



18 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

patriotic resolve to save their city from the dishonor 
and disaster, which a presumptuous enemy threatened to 
inflict upon it. This address was rendered into French 
by Mr. Livingston. It produced an electric effect upon 
all present. Their countenances cleared up. Bright 
and hopeful were the words and looks of all, who heard 
the thrilling tones, and caught the heroic glance of the 
hawk-eyed General. The General and staff then re-en- 
tered their carriages. A cavalcade was formed, and 
proceeded to the building, 106 Royal street — one of the 
few brick buildings then existing in New Orleans, which 
now stands but little changed or affected by the lapse 
of so many years. A flag unfurled from the third story, 
soon indicated to the population the headquarters of the 
General who had come so suddenly and quietly to their 
rescue. 

It was true he had come almost alone, without troops, 
without arms, without money. Nor did he seek to sup- 
ply these deficiencies with big words, large promises, 
and loud vauntings. He had a more efficient means of 
influencing men, a more powerful wand to wield over 
the minds and hearts of the people. His army and his 
armor, his strength and means, consisted in the prestige 
of a name and history, which were then as familiar as 
household words to all the people of the Yalley of the 
Mississippi, a recurrence to which never failed to en- 
kindle the enthusiasm and excite the pride of the 
emporium of that valley. 

"What were these glorious antecedents, that drew so 
much of popular admiration and confidence to Andrew 
Jackson, and constitute some of his titles to the renown, 
which history and all nations assign to him ? Let us 
briefly sketch them. 



jackson's first entet into new Orleans. 19 

A wild and desolate place called the Waxhaw Settle- 
ment, in a remote district of South Carolina, was the 
scene of Jackson's birth and boyhood. Throughout the 
wide Union it would be difficult to find two more 
dreary and desert-looking localities, than those, which 
have been consecrated by the birth of the two most 
eminent men in the history of America — George Wash- 
ington and Andrew Jackson. 

Jackson was born on the 15th March, 1767. His 
parents were emigrants from the north of Ireland, but 
of Scotch descent. They had fled from the persecutions 
and dissensions of the Old "World, in pursuit of peace 
and happiness in the JSTew. They had been two years 
in the country when Andrew was born. Like most 
great men, he was blessed with a mother of uncommon 
intelligence and vigor of mind. With such an instruct- 
ress and guardian, his intellect early developed, and his 
spirit expanded into premature manliness. He needed 
only the occasion to cast his thoughts and feelings in that 
heroic mould, which constitutes true greatness. Such 
opportunity was presented, when in beardless boyhood, 
he found himself in the very midst of some of the most 
gloomy scenes of the Revolution of 1776. 

In old age, when time and infirmity pressed heavily 
upon that sanguine and dauntless spirit, and the impres- 
sions of youth came out upon the memory with more 
distinctness, that tottering old man of the Hermitage, 
with his shrivelled visage and snowy locks, but with 
eye still unclimmed and piercing as ever, would recall, 
with frightful accuracy, the horrible scenes of carnage, 
rapine, and desolation which had made that boyhood, to 
which most men recur as the bright period of their lives, 
the gloomiest and saddest epoch in his career. 



20 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

When a stripling of thirteen, with scarcely the strength 
to raise a musket, he joined a party of patriots, under 
the heroic Sumpter, and in the action at Hanging Rock, 
and in various skirmishes, showed himself to be a boy 
only in years. His biographers .relate several instances 
in which his ready courage and self-possession saved 
himself and his companions from death and capture. 
Even then he was a chief among men, and often assumed 
the leadership of those who were old enough to be his 
father. 

Captured, at last, by the British, with his brother, he 
was subjected to the most cruel treatment. When, with 
characteristic spirit, he refused to perform some menial 
office for a British officer, he was dastardly cut down 
by the blow of a sabre, the mark of which was visible 
ever afterwards. A similar cruelty to his elder brother 
eventually produced his death. Closely confined in a 
British prison, Andrew contracted a disease from which 
he barely escaped with his life, and the effects of which 
were felt by him for many years after. It was whilst 
suffering with this disease, and nearly mad with fever 
and pain, that the young soldier, hearing that a battle 
was to be fought within view of the prison windows, 
contrived, by the exertion of all his strength, to climb 
up the wall to a small port-hole, which commanded a 
view of the field of strife. It was thus the boy warrior 
witnessed the first and only pitched battle that ever oc 
curred under his observation previous to the events we 
are about to relate. . 

This was the severely-contested battle of Camden, of 
which Jackson never failed to retain a clear, distinct, 
and vivid recollection. 

Such were the scenes and sufferings amid which the 



jackson's first entry into new Orleans. 21 

boyhood of Jackson was passed. It was a severe school, 
and its effects were quite perceptible in that staunch, 
unyielding spirit, heroic fortitude, and dauntless resolu- 
tion, which distinguished him through life. 

At the close of the Revolution, Jackson found him- 
self alone in the world, the solitary survivor of a family, 
which, twenty years before, had left Ireland, with bright 
hopes of finding in the forests of America, a peaceful, 
happy home. These circumstances were well calculated 
to impart to the character of, Jackson, that tinge of 
melancholy which it wore through life. This feeling of 
loneliness and keen sense of wrong, in the high-day of 
youth, broke out into reckless dissipation, which, how- 
ever, was always redeemed and qualified by a spirit of 
generosity and chivalry. Conquering this tendency, 
after expending his patrimony, Jackson, with dauntless 
heart and iron will, threw himself among the hardy and 
reckless frontiersmen of Tennessee, and engaged in the 
perilous practice of law, at a time, and in a country, 
when and where a good eye, steady nerve, and prowess 
and courage in personal combat, were more essential to 
the success of a lawyer, than a knowledge of Coke and 
Blackstone. Jackson possessed these qualifications of 
" sharp practice " in an eminent degree. His professional 
career was a perilous and contentious one. It was 
better adapted to train and form the warrior than the 
jurisconsult. The courage, which had been so severely 
tested in the Revolution, was frequently required to 
repel the aggressions of those pestilent bullies, who 
always abound in frontier settlements. Through many 
dangerous conflicts, the impetuous young Carolinian had 
to fight his way to a position, which secured him the 
fear and awe of the disorderly, and the respect and con- 



22 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

fidence of the hardy settlers. Chivalrous and generous, 
as determined and ferocious, he was the leader in all 
enterprises to protect the weak and defenceless. Patri- 
otic and high-toned, be was ever ready to risk his life, 
to maintain the laws of his country, and enforce justice 
and lawful authority. Thus the "Sharp Knife" and 
" Pointed Arrow " of the Indians, was not only a terror 
to the prowling aborigines, who hung around the settle- 
ments, but to the even more ferocious frontiersmen, who 
straggled from more populous and better organized dis- 
tricts, in the hope of getting beyond the reach of the law 
and justice, and finding larger and safer fields for their 
deeds of violence and crime. 

Called by the people successively to the civil offices 
of member of the State Convention, Representative and 
Senator in Congress, and lastly Supreme Judge of the 
State, Jackson displayed in all these positions, the same 
firm spirit and fearless courage, united with great saga- 
city, and that remarkable courtesy and impressiveness 
of manner, which excited so much surprise in all per- 
sons, who never having before seen him, but familiar 
with his character and acts, were suddenly brought into 
his presence. 

The life and character, we have thus imperfectly de- 
scribed, clearly indicate the man who would be selected 
from a million for high military command. And yet, 
when the war of 1812 broke out, Jackson sought a com- 
mand in vain. His friends and neighbors understood 
and appreciated his merits; but those charged with the 
administration of the Federal Government did not. He 
only asked for a commission, offering to raise the com- 
mand himself in thirty days. But he was no intri- 
guer, and his pretensions were ignored. Others were 



JACKSON S FIRST ENTRY INTO NEW ORLEANS. 23 

appointed. Disaster after disaster followed. The tra- 
gedy of the River Raisin, and the disgraceful failure of 
the Northern Campaign, filled the whole country, and 
especially the gallant West, with grief and humiliation. 
Thousands panted to wipe out these blots from the 
escutcheon of the Union, with their heart's blood. But 
alas ! the Government at "Washington was in the hands 
of " closet warriors," and political abstractionists, — ■ 
" ideologists," in the sense. of Napoleon's characterization 
of the Republicans of the Abbe Sieyes school. Slighted 
and rejected by the government, Jackson's ardor and 
ambition to serve his country w r ere not extinguished in 
the chagrin of personal disappointment. He deter- 
mined to force himself into the service, by raising a large 
volunteer corps, and so organizing it, that the govern- 
ment would be compelled to recognize its value and 
muster it into service. The gallant youth of Tennessee 
quickly rallied to his call. Having soon collected, and 
organized the requisite force, he at once tendered his 
services, was accepted by the government, and ordered 
to proceed to Natchez, a distance of a thousand miles. 
This march was performed in the depth of winter, 
through a wild and difficult country, with new and 
young soldiers. 

On his arrival at Natchez, he was destined to receive 
new mortifications. Suddenly there came an order to 
disband his troops, and deliver over the public stores, 
arms, and munitions to an agent of the government. 
It was a cruel and incomprehensible order. The sol- 
diers were youths, the sons of his neighbors and friends. 
He was bound to them by stronger and dearer ties, than 
even those of the chief to his followers. He had pledged 
his honor to venerable fathers and mothers, to loving 



24: JACKSON" AND NEW ORLEANS. 

wives and sisters, to protect their sons, husbands, and 
brothers, and lead them back to their homes. Could he 
obey this revolting command, and then go home and 
face his old friends and neighbors, who had been thus 
shamefully deceived ? To the soldier and citizen it was 
a severe alternative, but Jackson did not hesitate. He 
disregarded the order, and marched his whole command 
back to Tennessee, through incredible toils and suffer- 
ings. He had encountered no enemy, and yet, in that 
brief campaign, he had displayed higher and nobler 
traits, than those which shine through the smoke and 
carnage of battle. He had shown that iron firmness 
and fortitude, that heroic devotion to his companions, 
which secured him their lasting gratitude, affection, and 
confidence, to a degree that rendered his control and 
influence over them unlimited. When the war-blast 
sounded, the youth of Tennessee knew in whom to find 
a chief worthy to lead them. 

It was not long before the tocsin rang throughout the 
West. 

Tecumseh, the great Indian Chief, aided by the in- 
trigues of the Spaniards in Florida, and the British, had 
succeeded in uniting the formidable tribes of Indians in 
the Mississippi Territory, the Chickasaws, Cherokees, 
and Creeks, into a powerful league and conspiracy to 
attack and destroy the most exposed white settlements. 
The fearful massacre at Fort Mimms was the first de- 
monstration of this design. It fell like a thunder clap 
from a cloudless sky, on the southwest. A public meet- 
ing was held at Nashville, to devise means of arresting 
and punishing these depreciations. With one voice 
Jack-. n was designated by the people as the chief in 
such enterprise. He accepted the responsible duty, and 



JACKSON ? S FIRST ENTRY INTO NEW ORLEANS* 25 

issued a thrilling appeal to the young men of Tennessee 
to assemble around his standard. Twenty-five hundred 
gallant and patriotic men promptly responded to this 
call. 

At the head of this force, though still suffering from a 
severe wound received in a personal rencontre with the 
Bentons, Jackson marched rapidly to the southward to 
the scene of the Indian cruelties. After many delays 
and difficulties, which would have crushed the energies 
of almost any other man, Jackson found his blood-thirsty 
enemy strongly posted at Tallahatchie. His " right 
arm," the intrepid Coffee, was thrown forward with a 
portion of his force, with orders to dislodge the savages. 
The order was obeyed by Coffee with characteristic 
energy and promptitude, and after an obstinate conflict, 
the Indians were entirely routed, with a loss of two 
hundred killed and eighty-four prisoners. Thence, after 
issuing requisitions for reinforcements from Tennessee, 
and after establishing Fort Stockton, Jackson advanced 
rapidly to the relief of Fort Talladega, where a small 
force of Americans w T as surrounded and threatened with 
instant destruction by more than a thousand fierce war-" 
riors. Without resting his men, Jackson pushed forward 
and fell, with the fury of a tempest, on the surprised 
savages. The field for some distance around was strewn 
with the gory bodies of painted warriors. Those who 
survived the attack and escaped the vengeance of 
"Sharp Knife," fled with terror into the deepest recesses 
of the forest. But these victories, prompt, brilliant, and 
decisive as they were, did not afford the best tests of 
Jackson's military genius. His real trial was yet to 
come. He did not have to wait long for it. 

2 



26 JACKSON AND NEW OKLEANS. 

Jackson had moved so rapidly, and penetrated so far 
from the base of his operations, that he soon foivnd him- 
self in great stress for provisions and munitions. The 
promised supplies had failed. There was no evidence 
in the Southwest, of the existence of a central Govern- 
ment, to aid and further military operations. Thus far, 
he had maintained himself by his own credit. This re- 
source was exhausted, and now Jackson found himself 
in the severest strait of the military commander. He 
had to keep up the spirits and discipline of raw volun- 
teer troops, under the pressure of hunger, want, and 
sickness. Never did his heroic soul shine out with 
greater splendor than in this emergency. Cheerfully 
he shared the bitterest trials and sufferings of his men, 
selecting the offal of the few cattle left to. them for his 
rations, and allowing his sick men the wholesome meat, 
dividing his acorns with a fellow-soldier, and giving his 
blankets, so much needed for his own wasted frame, to 
some wounded companion. But even this example of 
heroic fortitude could not prevail over the gnawings of 
hunger. His men grew clamorous and mutinous. 
What he would not concede to violence, he cheerfully 
yielded to reason. He consented to return, until they 
could meet some supplies. The troops had not proceeded 
far before they met a large drove of cattle, which had 
been dispatched to them by some of Jackson's agents. 
Oh, with what zest and eagerness did those famished 
men devour the fresh meat, which the foresight and 
energy of their General had thus procured for them ! 
But sfctvV?ty did not restore their spirits, nor invigorate 
their sense cf duty. They still longed for their homes, 
and persisted ir returning. Jackson, ordered them to 



jackson's first entry into new Orleans. 27 

retrace their steps, and pursue the enemy. They sul- 
lenly refused to obey, and, forming the column, were 
about to resume their march homeward. 

Now was the time for action, for resolution, for heroic, 
sublime courage. Mounting his charger, Jackson rode 
to the front, and seizing a musket from one of the men, 
levelled it at the head of the column, and swore, " by the 
Eternal," he would shoot the first man who advanced a 
step. The men were astounded by his audacity and 
resolution. They knew he was a man of his word. 
Two thousand impatient, fiery, self-willed frontiersmen, 
who were little accustomed to restraint or control, thus 
awed, by one emaciate, weak, broken-armed man! 
Presently, some of the men, ashamed of their conduct, 
went over to him and pledged their lives to sustain him. 
Finally, they yielded to Jackson's resolution, and agreed 
to resume their march forward. 

New difficulties and sufferings again aroused the 
spirit of mutiny, and another attempt to depart home- 
ward was made and resisted in the same prompt and 
decisive manner. At last, Jackson having carried his 
point, and entirely suppressed the rebellious tendencies 
of his men, deemed it best to send home the greater 
part of his troops, and defer further operations for some 
months. "With a few faithful officers and soldiers, he 
established himself at Fort Stockton. 

In January, 1814, having been joined by a force of 
raw troops, Jackson pushed forward to Emuckfaw, on 
the Tallapoosa. Near this place he was suddenly at- 
tacked with great fury, by a powerful force of Indians, 
whom he defeated in a close hand-to-hand fight. But 
his force was too weak to follow up this advantage, so 
he determined to return to Fort Stockton. It was on 



28 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

his return march, that the enemy surprised Jackson's 
rear guard, at Enotchhopo. A momentary panic was 
created, and the Indians were rapidly breaking into the 
very centre of the column, when the gallant Armstrong 
(the late General Robert Armstrong, of the "Washington 
Union), arrested their advance by the effective discharge 
of a small piece of ordnance, of which he had charge, 
and by the side of which he fell, desperately wounded. 
As he lay bleeding on the ground, with crowds of savage 
enemies pressing around him impatient for his scalp, 
Armstrong called out, " Some of us must fall, but save 
the gun !" Carroll, too, a young and intrepid officer, 
rushed to the relief of Armstrong. He was followed by 
the famous spy-captain of Duck River, Gordon, who, 
pressing closely on the left of the enemy, held them in 
check until Jackson could bring up the main body, 
which he rapidly effected, and falling upon them, soon 
put them to flight with great loss, causing their precipi- 
tate dispersion through the country in the most destitute 
and panic-stricken condition. 

This affair concluded Jackson's second campaign. 
He returned to Fort Stockton, and discharged his men 
with high testimonials to their good conduct. Soon 
after, he was joined by a fresh army of nearly three 
thousand men, with which he determined to advance, 
and annihilate, at one blow, the hostile tribes. Learning 
that the Indians had collected in large force, in a spot 
regarded by them as holy ground, situated in the bend 
of the Tallapoosa Eiver, called from its shape Tohopeka, 
or the Horse-shoe, he marched thither. 

The Indians were stationed behind a well-constructed 
breastwork thrown across the neck. Sending Coffee to 
surround the bend, Jackson opened a cannonade upon 



tlieir defences in front. This plan not succeeding against 
so agile and wary a foe, Jackson resolved to storm their 
works. This was clone with the greatest ardor and hero- 
ism by the intrepid Tennesseans. It was a close and 
bloody fight, of man to man. The Indians, instigated 
by superstition, as well as by their natural blood-thirsti- 
ness, fought with more than usual desperation. They 
bared their breasts to the gleaming knives, and with 
their small tomahawks fearlessly threw themselves on 
the bayonets of their pale-face enemies. It was as ter- 
rible, and for the numbers engaged, as destructive a 
conflict as ever occurred. The breastwork was stormed 
by the Tennesseans ; the charm of invincibility was 
broken, and the " sacred ground " of the Red Sticks 
was strewn with eight hundred dead warriors. There 
were no wounded in those battles. The Red Stick was 
only conquered in battle when life was extinct. 

Thus Jackson redeemed his pledge. The Red Sticks, 
as a tribe, were annihilated. The few survivors lied to 
the Spanish settlements in Florida. Some humbly 
sought for peace and pardon, which Jackson, as gener- 
ous as brave, cheerfully granted. 

This victory for ever destroyed the power of the war- 
like tribes of the Southwest, and made them ever after- 
wards, either friends or very timid foes of the whites. 
It was a brilliant conclusion of Jackson's Indian cam- 
paign. He began now to be known abroad. The peo- 
ple all over the country applauded his heroic bearing, 
under all circumstances, against starvation, mutiny, de- 
sertion and disaffection, as well as against the rifles and 
tomahawks of his savage enemies. Even the torpid 
Government at Washington, which had failed to recog- 
nize his rights before, now hastened to redeem its error, 



30 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

by appointing him to the Major-Generalship, made 
vacant by the resignation of William Henry Harrison. 
Jackson's first duty, in his new command was, to nego- 
tiate a treaty of peace with the Indians, and to guard 
generally the Southwestern frontier. 

It was in the discharge of this duty he approached 
the Gulf shore, to observe the intrigues of the Span- 
iards, wdio were charged with giving aid and comfort to 
the Indians in their inroads on the white settlements. 
A much more formidable and important enemy, was 
also implicated in that infamous alliance with barbarians. 
The British were virtually in possession of Pensacola. 
The soul of Jackson fired with the recollection of the 
cruelties his family had suffered at the hands of his 
hereditary enemy, in the Revolution of 1776. He longed 
to avenge those wrongs, not by like cruelties, but by 
legitimate victories obtained in manly warfare. "We 
shall soon see, whether he was disappointed in this hon- 
orable revenge ; whether the military genius, which had 
been nursed amid the fearful struo^les of the War of 
Independence, which had been trained and disciplined 
by the trying scenes and perils of frontier life, and in 
warfare against brave and desperate savages, will not 
shine even more brilliantly and gloriously in a higher 
sphere, and on a grander scale of warlike achievement. 



LAFITTE, 



31 



IL 



LAFITTE, "THE PIRATE." 



About one mile above New Orleans, opposite the 
flourishing City of Jefferson, and on the right bank of 
the Mississippi, there is a small canal, now used by fish- 
ermen and hunters, which approaches within a few hun- 
dred yards of the river's bank. 

The small craft that ply on this canal are taken up on 
cars, which run into the water by an inclined plane, and 
are then hauled by mules to the river. Launched upon 
the rapid current of the Mississippi, these boats are soon 
borne into the Crescent port of New Orleans. Follow- 
ing this canal, which runs nearly due west for five or 
six miles, we reach a deep, narrow, and tortuous bayou. 
Descending this bayou, which for forty miles threads its 
sluggish course through an impenetrable swamp, we 
pass into a large lake, girt with sombre forests and 
gloomy swamps, and resonant with the hoarse croakings 
of alligators, and the screams of swamp fowls. 

From this lake, by a still larger bayou, we pass into 
another lake, and from that to another, until we reach 
an island, on which are discernible, at a considerable 
distance, several elevated knolls, and where a scant 
vegetation and a few trees maintain a feeble existence. 
At the lower end of this island, there are some curious 



32 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

aboriginal vestiges, in the shape of high monnds of 
shells, which are thought to mark the burial of some 
extinct tribes. This surmise has been confirmed by 
the discovery of human bones below the surface of 
these mounds. The elevation formed by the series 
of mounds, is known as the Temple, from a tradition 
that the Natchez Indians used to assemble there to 
offer sacrifices to their chief deity, the " Great Sun." 
This lake or bayou finally disembogues into the Gulf 
of Mexico by two outlets, between which lies the 
beautiful island of Grand Terre. 

This island is a jdeasant sea-side resort, having a 
length of six miles, and an average breadth of a mile 
and a-half. Towards the sea it presents a fine beach, 
where those who love " the rapture of the lonely shore," 
who delight in the roar and dash of the foaming billows, 
and in the ecstasy of a bath in the pure, bracing surge, 
may find abundant means of pleasure and enjoyment. 

Grand Terre is now occupied and cultivated by a 
Creole family, as a sugar plantation, producing annually 
four or five hundred hogsheads of sugar. At the west- 
ern extremity of the island stands a large and powerful 
fortification, which has been quite recently erected by 
the United States, and named after one of the most dis- 
tinguished benefactors of Louisiana, Edward Livingston. 
This fort commands the western entrance or strait lead- 
ing from the Gulf into the lake or bay of Barataria. 
Here, safely sheltered, some two or three miles from the 
gulf, is a snug little harbor, where vessels drawing from 
d to eight feet water, may ride in safety, out of 
reach of the fierce storms that so often sweep the 
Gulf of Mexico. 

Bere u\uy be found, even now, the foundations of 



33 

houses, tlie brickwork of a rude fort, and other evi- 
dences of an ancient settlement. This is the spot which 
has become so famous in the history and romances of the 
Southwest, as the " Pirate's Home," the retreat of the 
dread Corsair of the Gulf, whom the genius of Byron, 
and of many succeeding poets and novelists, has conse- 
crated as one w T ho 

" Left a corsairs name to other times, 
Linked with one virtue and a thousand crimes." 

Such is poetry — such is romance. But authentic his- 
tory, by Wj :Sa alone these sketches are guided, dissi- 
pates all these fine flights of the poet and romancer. 

Jean Laiitte, the so-called Pirate and Corsair, was a 
blacksmith from Bordeaux, France, who, within the 
recollection of several old citizens now living in New 
Orleans, kept his forge at the corner of Bourbon and St. 
Phillip streets. He had an older brother, Pierre, who 
was a seafaring character, and had served in the French 
Navy. Neither were pirates, and Jean knew not 
enough of the art of navigation to manage a jolly boat. 
But he was a man of good address and appearance, of 
considerable shrewdness, of generous and liberal heart, 
and adventurous spirit. 

Shortly after the cession of Louisiana to the United 
States, a series of events occurred which made the Gulf 
of Mexico the arena of the most extensive and profita- 
ble privateering. First came the war between France 
and Spain, wdiich afforded the inhabitants of the French 
islands a good pretence to depredate upon the rich com- 
merce of the Spanish possessions — the most valuable 
and productive in the New World. The Gulf of Mex- 
ico and Caribbean Sea swarmed with privateers, owned 

2* 



34: JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

and employed by men of all nations, who obtained their 
commissions (by purchase) from the French authorities 
at Martinique and Guadalupe. Among these were not 
a few neat and trim crafts belonging to the staid citizens 
of New England, who, under the tri-color of France, 
experienced no scruples in perpetrating acts which, 
though not condemned by the laws of nations, in their 
spirit as well as in their practical results, bear a strong 
resemblance to piracy. The British capture and occu- 
pation of Guadalupe and Martinique, in 1806, in which 
expeditions Col. Ed. Packenham, who wijl figure con- 
spicuously in these sketches, distinguished himself, and 
received a severe wound, broke up a favorite retreat of 
these privateers. Shortly after this, Columbia declared 
her independence of Spain, and invited to her port of 
Carthagena, the patriots and adventurers of all nations, 
to aid her struggle against the mother country. Thither 
nocked all the privateers and buccaneers of the Gulf. 
Commissions were promptly given or sold to them, to 
sail under the Columbian flag, and to prey upon the 
commerce of poor old Spain, who, invaded and despoiled 
at home, had neither means nor spirit to defend her dis- 
tant possessions. 

The success of the privateers was brilliant. It is a 
narrow line, at the best, which divides piracy from pri- 
vateering, and it is not at all wonderful that the reck- 
less sailors of the Gulf sometimes lost sight of it. The 
shipping of other countries was, no doubt, frequently 
mistaken for that of Spain. Rapid fortunes were made 
in this business. Capitalists embarked their means in 
equipping vessels for privateering. Of course they 
were not responsible for the excesses which were com- 
mitted by those in their employ, nor did they trouble 



LAFITTE, " THE PIRATE." 35 

themselves to inquire into all the acts of their agents. 
Finally, however, some attention was excited by this 
wholesale system of legalized pillage. The privateers 
found it necessary to secure some safe harbor, into which 
they could escape from the ships of war, where they 
could be sheltered from the northers, and where, too, 
they could establish a depot for the sale and smuggling 
of their spoils. It was a sagacious thought which se- 
lected the little bay or cove of Grand Terre for this pur- 
pose. It w^as called Barataria, and several huts and 
store-houses were built there, and cannon planted on the 
beach. Here rallied the privateers of the Gulf, with 
their fast-sailing schooners, armed to the teeth and 
manned by fierce-looking men, who wore sharp cut- 
lasses, and might be taken anywhere for pirates, without 
offence. They were the desperate men of all nations, 
embracing as well those who had occupied respectable 
positions in the naval or merchant service, who were in- 
stigated to their present pursuit by the love of gain, as 
those who had figured in the bloody scenes of the buc- 
caneers of the Spanish Main. Besides its inaccessibility 
to vessels of war, the Bay of Barataria recommended 
itself by another important consideration : it was near 
to the city of New Orleans, the mart of the growing 
valley of the Mississippi, and from it the lakes and 
bayous afforded an easy water communication, nearly to 
the banks of the Mississippi, within a short distance of 
the city. A regular organization of the privateers was 
established, officers were chosen, and agents appointed 
in New Orleans to enlist men, and negotiate the sale of 
goods. 

Among the most active and sagacious of these town 
agents, was the blacksmith of St. Phillip street, who, 



36 JACKSON AXD NEW ORLEANS. 

following the example of much greater and more pre- 
tentious men, abandoned his sledge and anvil, and 
embarked in the lawless and more adventurous career of 
smuggling and privateering. Gradually by his success, 
enterprise, and address, Jean Lafitte obtained such 
ascendancy over the lawless congregation at Bara- 
taria, that they elected him their Captain or Com- 
mander. 

There is a tradition that this choice gave great dissat- 
isfaction to some of the more warlike of the privateers, 
and particularly to Gambio, a savage, grim Italian, who 
did not scruple to prefer the title and character of 
" Pirate," to the puling, hypocritical one of " Privateer." 
But it is said, and the story is verified by an aged Ital- 
ian, one of the only two survivors of the Baratarians, 
now resident in Grand Terre, who rejoices in the 
"nom de guerre" indicative of a ghastly sabre cut 
across the face, of " Nez Coupe" that Lafitte found it 
necessary to sustain his authority by some terrible ex- 
ample, and when one of Gambio's followers resisted his 
orders, he shot him through the heart before the whole 
band. Whether this story be true or not, there can be 
no doubt that in the year 1813, when the association 
had attained its greatest prosperity, Lafitte held undis- 
puted authority and control over it. He certainly con- 
ducted his administration with energy and ability. A 
large fleet of small vessels rode in the harbor, besides 
others that were cruising. Their store-houses were filled 
with valuable goods. Hither resorted merchants and 
traders from all parts of the country, to purchase goods, 
which, being cheaply obtained, could be retailed at a 
large profit. A number of small vessels were employed 
in transporting goods to New Orleans, through the 



LAEITTE, " THE PIRATE." 37 

bayou we have described, just as oysters, fish and game 
are now brought. 

On reaching the head of the bayou, these goods would 
be taken out of the boats and placed on the backs of 
mules — to be carried to the river banks — whence they 
would be ferried across into the city, at night. In the 
city they had many agents, who disposed of these goods. 
By this profitable trade, several citizens of New Orleans 
laid the foundations of their fortunes. But though pro- 
fitable to individuals, this trade was evidently detri- 
mental to regular and legitimate commerce, as well as 
to the revenue of the Federal Government. Accord- 
ingly, several efforts were made to break up the associa- 
tion, but the activity and influence of their city 
friends generally enabled them to hush up such 
designs. 

Legal prosecutions were commenced on 7th April, 
1813, against Jean and Pierre Lafitte, in the United 
States District Court for Louisiana, charging them with 
violating the Revenue and Neutrality Laws of the Uni- 
ted States. Nothing is said about piracy — the gravest 
offence charged, being simply a misdemeanor. Even 
these charges were not sustained, for, although both the 
Lafittes, and many others of the Baratarians, were cap- 
tured by Captain Andrew Holmes, in an expedition 
down the bayou, about the time of the filing of these 
informations against them, yet it appears they were re- 
leased, and the prosecutions never came to trial, the 
warrants for their arrest being returned " not found." 
These abortive proceedings appear to have given encour 
agement and vigor to the operations of the Baratarians.. 
Accordingly, we find on the 28th July, 1814, the Grand 
Jury of New Orleans making the following terrible ex- 



38 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

posure of the audacity and extent of these unlawful 
transactions : 

" The Grand Jury feel it a duty they owe to society to state that 
piracy and smuggling, so long established and so systematically pur- 
sued by many of the inhabitants of this State, and particularly in 
this city and vicinity, that the Grand Jury find it difficult legally to 
establish facts, even where the strongest presumptions are offered. 

" The Grand Jury, impressed with a belief that the evils com- 
plained of have impaired public confidence and individual credit, 
injured the honest fair trader, and contributed to drain our country 
of its specie, corrupted the morals of many poor citizens, and finally 
stamped disgrace on our State, deem it a duty incumbent on them, 
by this public presentation, again to direct the attention of the 
public to this serious subject, calling upon all good citizens for their 
most active exertions to suppress the evil, and by their pointed dis- 
approbation of every individual who maybe concerned, directly or 
indirectly in such practices, in some measure to remove the stain 
that has fallen on all classes of society in the minds of the good 
people of our sister States." 

The Report concludes with a severe reproof of the 
Executive of the State, and of the United States, for 
neglecting the proper measures to suppress these evil 
practices. 

The tenor of this presentment leads to the belief that 
the word " piracy," as used by the Grand Jury, was 
intended to include the more common offences of fitting 
out privateers within the United States, to operate 
against the ships of nations with which they were at 
peace, and that of smuggling. Certainly the grave 
fathers of the city would not speak of a crime, involving 
murder and robbery, in such mild and measured terms, 
as one "calculated to impair public confidence, and 
injure public credit, to defraud the fair dealer, to drain 



LAFITTE, 



C< 



39 



the country of specie, and to corrupt the morals of the 
people." Such language, applied to the enormous crime 
of piracy, would appear quite inappropriate, not to say 
ridiculous. It is evident from this, as well as other 
proofs, that the respectable citizens, several of whom 
now survive, who made this report, had in view the 
denunciation of the offence of smuggling into New 
Orleans, goods captured on the high seas, by privateers, 
which, no doubt, seriously interfered with legitimate 
trade, and drew off a large amount of specie. 

However, indictments for piracy were found against 
several of the Baratarians. One against Johnness, for 
piracy on the Santa, a Spanish vessel, which was cap- 
tured nine miles from Grand Isle, and nine thousand 
dollars taken from her ; also, against another, who went 
by the name of Johannot, for capturing another Spanish 
vessel with her cargo, worth thirty thousand dollars, off 
Trinidad. Pierre Lafitte was charged as aider and 
abettor in these crimes before and after the fact, as one 
who did, " upon land, to wit : in the city of New 
Orleans, within the District of Louisiana, knowingly 
and willingly aid, assist, procure, counsel and advise the 
said piracies and robberies." It is quite evident from 
the character of the ships captured, that had the indict- 
ments been prosecuted to a trial, they would have 
resulted in modifying the crime of piracy into the 
offence of privateering, or that of violating the Neu- 
trality Laws of the United States, by bringing prizes 
taken from Spain into its territory and selling the same. 

Pierre Lafitte was arrested on these indictments. An 
application for bail was refused, and he was incarcerated 
in the Calaboose, or city prison, now occupied by the 
Sixth District Court of New Orleans. 



40 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

These transactions, betokening a vigorous determina- 
tion on the part of the authorities, to break up the es-, 
tablishment at Barataria, Jean Lafitte proceeded to that 
place and was engaged in collecting the vessels and 
property of the association, with a view of departing to 
some more secure retreat, when an event occurred, which 
he thought would afford him an opportunity of propiti- 
ating the favor of the government, and securing for 
himself and his companions a pardon for their offences. 

It was on the morning of the second of September, 
1814, that the settlement of Barataria was aroused by 
the report of cannon in the direction of the gulf. Lafitte 
immediately ordered out a small boat, in which, rowed 
by four of his men, he proceeded toward the mouth of 
the strait. Here he perceived a brig of war, lying just 
outside of the inlet, with the British colors flying at the 
mast-head. As soon as Lafitte's boat was perceived, 
the gig of the brig shot off from her side and approached 
him. 

In this gig were three officers, clad in naval uniform, 
and one in the scarlet of the British army. They bore 
a white signal in the bows, and a British flag in the 
stern of their boat. The officers proved to be Captain 
Lockyer, of his Majesty's navy, with a Lieutenant of the 
same service, and Captain Mc Williams, of the army. 
On approaching the boat of the Baratarians, Captain 
Lockyer called out his name and style, and inquired if 
Mr. Lafitte was at home in the bay, as he had an im- 
portant communication for him. Lafitte replied, that 
the person they desired could be seen ashore, and invited 
the officers to accompany him to their settlement. They 
accepted the invitation, and the boats were rowed 
through the strait into the Bay of Barataria. On their 



LAFITTE, " THE PIRATE." 41 

way Lafitte confessed his true name and character ; 
whereupon Captain Lockyer delivered to him a paper 
package. Lafitte enjoined upon the British officers to 
conceal the true object of their visit from his men, who 
might, if they suspected their design, attempt some 
violence against them. Despite these cautions, the 
Baratarians, on recognizing the uniform of the strangers, 
collected on the shore in a tumultuous and threatenino; 
manner, and clamored loudly for their arrest. It 
required all Lafitte's art, address, and influence to calm 
them. Finally, however, he succeeded in conducting 
the British to his apartments, where they were enter- 
tained in a style of elegant hospitality, which greatly 
surprised them. 

The best wines of old Spain, the richest fruits of the 
"West Indies, and every variety of fish and game were 
spread out before them, and served on the richest carved 
silver plate. The affable manner of Lafitte gave great 
zest to the enjoyment of his guests. After the repast, 
and when they had all smoked cigars of the finest Cuban 
flavor, Lafitte requested his guests to proceed to business. 
The package directed to " Mr. Lafitte," was then opened 
and the contents read. They consisted of a proclama- 
tion, addressed by Colonel Edward Nichols, in the 
service of his Britannic Majesty, and commander of the 
land forces on the coast of Florida, to the inhabitants of 
Louisiana, dated, Headquarters, Pensacola, 29th August, 
1814; also a letter from the same, directed to Mr. 
Lafitte, as the commander at Barataria ; also a letter 
from the Hon. Sir W. H. Percy, captain of the sloop of 
war Hermes, and commander of the Naval Forces in the 
Gulf of Mexico, dated September 1, 1814, to Lafitte ; 
and one from the same captain Percy, written on 30th 



42 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

August, on the Hermes, in the Bay of Pensacola, to 
Captain Lockyer of the Sophia, directing him to pro- 
ceed to Barataria, and attend to certain affairs there, 
which are fully explained. 

The originals of these letters may now be seen in the 
records of the United States District Court in New 
Orleans, where they were filed by Lafitte. They con- 
tain the most flattering offers to Lafitte, on the part of 
the British officials, if he would aid them, with his 
vessels and men, in their contemplated invasion of the 
State of Louisiana. Captain Lockyer proceeded to 
enforce the offers by many plausible and cogent argu- 
ments. He stated that Lafitte, his vessels and men 
would be enlisted in the honorable service of the British 
Navy, that he would receive the rank of Captain (an 
offer which must have brought a smile to the face of 
the unnautical blacksmith of St. Philip street), and the 
sum of thirty thousand dollars : that being a Frenchman, 
proscribed and persecuted by the United States, with a 
brother then in prison, he should unite with the English, 
as the English and French were now fast friends ; that 
a splendid prospect was now opened to him in the 
British navy, as from his knowledge of the Gulf Coast, 
he could guide them in their expedition to New Orleans, 
which had already started ; that it was the purpose of 
the English Government to penetrate the upper country 
and act in concert with the forces in Canada ; that 
everything was prepared to carry on the war with 
unusual vigor ; that they were sure of success, expecting 
to find little or no opposition from the French and Span- 
ish population of Louisiana, whose interests and manners 
were opposed and hostile to those of the Americans; 
and, finally, it was declared by Captain Lockyer to be 



LAFITTE, "THE PIRATE." 43 

the purpose of the British to free the slaves, and arm 
them against the white people, who resisted their 
authority and progress. 

Lafitte, affecting an acquiescence in these propositions, 
begged to be permitted to go to one of the vessels lying 
out in the bay to consult an old friend and associate, in 
whose judgment he had great confidence. "Whilst he 
was absent, the men who had watched suspiciously the 
conference, many of whom were Americans, and not 
the less patriotic because they had a taste for privateer- 
ing, proceeded to arrest the British officers, threatening 
to kill or deliver them up to the Americans. In the 
midst of this clamor and violence, Lafitte returned and 
immediately quieted his men, by reminding them of 
the laws of honor and humanity, which forbade any 
violence to persons who come among them with a flag 
of truce. He assured them that their honor and rights 
would be safe and sacred in his charge. He then 
escorted the British to their boats, and after declaring 
to Captain Lockyer, that he only required a few days to 
consider the flattering proposals, and would be ready at 
a certain time to deliver his final reply, took a respect- 
ful leave of his guests, and escorting them to their boat, 
kept them in view until they were out of reach of the 
men on shore. 

Immediately after the departure of the British, Lafitte 
sat down and addressed a long letter to Mr. Blanque, a 
member of the House of Representatives of Louisiana, 
which he commenced by declaring that "though pro- 
scribed in my adopted country, I will never miss an 
occasion of serving her, or of proving that she has never 
ceased to be dear to me." He then' details the circum- 
stances of Captain Lockyer's arrival in his camp, and 



4A JACKSON" AND NEW ORLEANS 

encloses the letters to him. He then proceeds to say : 
"I may have evaded the payment of duties to the 
Customhouse, but I have never ceased to be a good 
citizen, and all the offences I have committed have been 
forced upon me by certain vices in the laws." He then 
expresses the hope that the service he is enabled to 
render the authorities, by delivering the enclosed letters, 
" may obtain some amelioration of the situation of an 
unhappy brother," adding with considerable force and 
feeling, "our enemies have endeavored to work upon 
me, by a motive which few men would have resisted. 
They represented to me a brother in irons, a brother 
who is to me very dear, whose deliverer I might become, 
and I declined the proposal, well persuaded of his inno- 
cence. I am free from apprehension as to the issue of 
a trial, but he is sick, and not in a place where he can 
receive the assistance he requires." Through Mr. 
Blanque, Lafitte addressed a letter to Governor 
Claiborne, in which he stated very distinctly his posi- 
tion and desires. He says : 

" I offer to you to restore to this State several citizens, who, 
perhaps, in your eyes, have lost that sacred title ; I offer you them, 
however, such as you could wish to find them, ready to exert their 
utmost efforts in defence of the country. This point of Louisiana 
which I occupy is of great importance in the present crisis. I 
tender my services to defend it, and the only reward I ask is, that 
a stop be put to the prosecutions against me and ray adherents, by 
an act of oblivion for all that has been done hitherto. I am the 
stray sheep wishing to return to the sheepfold. If you are 
thoroughly acquainted with the nature of my offences, I should 
appear to you much less guilty, and still worthy to discharge the 
duties of a good citizen. I have uever sailed under any flag but 
that of the Republic of Carthagena, and my vessels are perfectly 
regular in that respect. If I could have brought my lawful prizes 



LAFITTE, a THE PIRATE." 45 

into the ports of this State, I should not have employed the illicit 
means that have caused me to be proscribed. Should your answer 
not be favorable to my ardent desires, I declare to you that I will 
instantly leave the country to avoid the imputation of having co- 
operated towards an invasion on that point, which cannot fail to 
take place, and to rest secure in the acquittal of my own conscience." 

Upon the receipt of these letters, Governor Claiborne 
convoked a council of the principal officers of the army, 
navy and militia, then in New Orleans, to whom he 
submitted the letters, asking their decision on these two 
questions : 1st. Whether the letters were genuine 1 2d. 
Whether it was proper that the Governor should hold 
intercourse or enter into any correspondence with Mr. 
Lafitte and his associates ? To each of these questions 
a negative answer was given, Major General Ville're 
alone dissenting — this officer being (as well as the Gov- 
ernor, who, presiding in the council, could not give his 
opinion), not only satisfied as to the authenticity of the 
letters of the British officers, but believing that the 
Baratarians might be employed in a very effective man- 
ner in case of an invasion. 

The only result of this council was to hasten the steps 
which had been previously commenced, to fit out an 
expedition to Barataria to break up Lafitte's establish- 
ment. In the meantime, the two weeks asked for by 
Lafitte to consider the British proposal, having expired, 
Captain Lockyer appeared off Grand Terre, and hovered 
around the inlet several days, anxiously awaiting the 
approach of Lafitte. At last, his patience being 
exhausted, and mistrusting the intentions of the Barata- 
rians, he retired. It was about this time that the spirit 
of Lafitte was sorely tried by the intelligence, that the 
constituted authorities, whom he had supplied with such 



4:6 JACKSON AND NEW OKLEANS. 

valuable information, instead of appreciating his gener- 
ous exertions in behalf of his country, were actually 
equipping an expedition to destroy his establishment. 
This w r as truly an ungrateful return for services, which, 
may now be justly estimated. Nor is it satisfactorily 
shown that mercenary motives did not mingle with those 
which prompted some of the parties engaged in this 
expedition. 

The rich plunder of the " Pirate's Retreat," the valu- 
able fleet of small coasting vessels that rode in the Bay 
of Barataria, the exaggerated stories of a vast amount 
of treasure, heaped up in glittering piles, in dark, mys- 
terious caves, of chests of Spanish doubloons, buried in 
the sand, contributed to inflame the imagination and 
avarice of some of the individuals who were active in 
getting up this expedition. 

A naval and land force was organized under Commo- 
dore Patterson and Colonel Ross, which proceeded to 
Barataria, and with a pompous display of military 
power, entered the Bay. The Baratarians at first thought 
of resisting with all their means, which were considera- 
ble. They collected on the beach armed, their cannon 
were placed in position, and matches were lighted, when 
lo ! to their amazement and dismay, the stars and stripes 
became visible through the mist. 

Against the power which that banner proclaimed, 
they were unwilling to lift their hands. They then sur- 
rendered; a few escaping up the Bayou in small boats. 
Lafitte, conformably to his pledge, on hearing of the 
expedition, had gone to the German coast — as it is called 
— above New Orleans. Commodore Patterson seized 
all the vessels of the Baratarians, and, filling them and 
his own with the rich goods found on the island, returned 



LAFITTE, " THE PIKATE." 4:7 

to New Orleans loaded with spoils. The Baratarians, 
who were captured, were ironed and committed to the 
Calaboose. The vessels, money and stores taken in this 
expedition were claimed as lawful prizes by Commodore 
Patterson and Colonel Ross. Out of this claim grew a 
protracted suit, which elicited the foregoing facts, and 
resulted in establishing the innocence of Lafitte of all 
other offences but those of privateering, or employing 
persons to privateer against the commerce of Spain 
under commissions from the Republic of Columbia, and 
bringing his prizes to the United States, to be disposed 
of, contrary to the provisions of the Neutrality Act. 

The charge of piracy against Lafitte, or even against 
the men of the association, of which he was the chief, 
remains to this day unsupported by a single particle of 
direct and positive testimony. All that was ever 
adduced against them, of a circumstantial or inferential 
character, was the discovery among the goods taken at 
Barataria, of some jewelry, which was identified as that 
of a Creole lady, who had sailed from New Orleans 
seven years before, and was never heard of afterwards. 

Considering the many ways in which such property 
might have fallen into the hands of the Baratarians, it 
would not be just to rest so serious a charge against 
them on this single fact. It is not at all improbable — 
though no facts of that character ever came to light — ■ 
that among so many desperate characters attached to 
the Baratarian organization, there were not a- few who 
would, if the temptation were presented, " scuttle ship, 
or cut a throat" to advance their ends, increase their 
gains, or gratify a natural bloodthirstiness. 

But such deeds cannot be associated with the name 
of Jean Lafitte, save in the idle fictions by which the 



48 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

taste of the youth of the country is vitiated, and history 
outraged and perverted. That he was more of a patriot 
than a pirate, that he rendered services of immense 
benefit to his adopted country, and should be held in 
respect and honor, rather than defamed and calumniated, 
will, we think, abundantly appear in the chapter which 
follows. 



LAFITTE, THE FATRIOT. 49 



ni. 



LAFITTE, THE PATRIOT. 



Though repudiated and persecuted by the authorities 
of the State and Federal Government, Jean Lafitte did 
not cease to perform his duties as a citizen, and to warn 
the people of the approaching invasion. The people, 
as is often the case, were more sagacious on this occasion 
than their chief officials. They confided in the repre- 
sentations of Lafitte, and in the authenticity of the docu- 
ments forwarded by him to Gov. Claiborne. One of 
the first manifestations of these feelings was the convo- 
cation of an assembly of the people at the City Exchange, 
on St. Louis street. This was after the tenor of Lafitte's 
documents and the character of his developments had 
become known, to wit : on the 16th of December, 1814. 
This assembly was numerous and enthusiastic. It was 
eloquently addressed by Edward Livingston, who, in 
manly and earnest tones, and with telling appeals, urged 
the citizens to organize for the defence of their city, and 
thus, in a conspicuous manner, refute the calumnies 
which had been circulated against their fidelity to the 
new Republic, of which they had so recently become 
" part and parcel." 

These appeals met a warm response from the people. 

3 



50 JACKSOX AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Nor did the enthusiasm which they excited vent itself 
in mere applause and noisy demonstrations. They pro- 
duced practical results. A Committee of Public Safety 
was formed, to aid the authorities in the defence of the 
city and supply those deficiencies wliicli the exigency 
should develop, in the organization of the Government, 
as well as in the characters of those charged with its 
administration. This committee was composed of the 
following citizens : Edward Livingston, Pierre Foucher, 
Dussau de la Croix, Benjamin Morgan, George Ogden, 
Dominique Bouligny, J. A. Destrehan, John Blancjue, 
and Augustin Macarte. They were all men of note and 
influence. 

The leading spirit of the committee was Edward Liv- 
ingston, a native of New York, and once Mayor of that 
great city. He had emigrated to New Orleans shortly 
after the cession and organization of the territory. Of 
profound learning, various attainments, great sagacity 
and industry, possessing a style of earnest eloquence 
and admirable force, which even now render the pro- 
ductions of his pen the most readable of the effusions 
of any of the public men, who have figured largely in 
political or professional spheres in the United States, 
Edward Livingston could not but be a leading man in 
any community. 

The talents which many years afterwards adorned 
some of the highest offices under the Federal Govern- 
ment, and reflected so much distinction on Louisiana in 
the United States Senate, were eminently conspicuous 
and serviceable in rallying the spirits, and giving con- 
fidence and harmony of action to the people of New 
Orleans, during the eventful epoch to which these 
sketches relate. He was ably supported by his associ- 



LAFITTE, THE PATRIOT. 51 

ates. Destrehan was a native of France, a man of 
science, resolution and intelligence, though somewhat 
eccentric. Benjamin Morgan was one of the first and 
most popular of the class of American merchants, then 
composing a rising party in New Orleans. P. Foucher 
was a Creole of Louisiana, of great ardor and activity 
in the defence of his natal soil. Dussau de la Croix, 
was a Frenchman of the ancien regime, an exile, who 
found in Louisiana the only sovereignty and the only 
soil which he deemed worth fighting for. A. Macarte 
was a planter of spirit, patriotism and energy. George 
M. Ogclen was a leader of the Young America of that 
day, and possessed great zeal, activity, and influence 
among the new population. John Blanque was an 
intelligent, industrious and prominent member of the 
State Legislature. Dominique Bouligny represented 
the old Spanish and French colonists, who in turn had 
possessed Louisiana, his family being one of the oldest 
in the State. He was a staid, solid and true man, who 
afterwards filled a seat in the United States Senate, and 
held other offices of dignity and trust in the State. 

Such was the composition of the Committee of Public 
Safety in New Orleans. The first act of the commitee 
was to send forth an address to the people. This docu- 
ment bears unmistakably the imprint of Edward 
Livingston's genius. It is a fervid and thrilling appeal, 
which produced, wherever it was read among the 
excitable population of Louisiana, the effect of a trum- 
pet blast, rallying the people to the defence " of their 
sovereignty, their property, their lives, and the dearer 
existence of their wives and children." 

There can be little doubt that this highly important 
movement and effective address were induced by the 



52 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

information supplied by Lafitte. Edward Livingston, 
the chief in the movement, had been the confidential 
adviser and counsellor of Lafitte since 1811. His inter- 
course with that much maligned individual had dispelled 
all doubts as to his honorable purposes. The date of the 
address, being about the time of Lafitte's retirement 
from Barataria, and the absence of other information of 
the designs of the British, whose army had not then left 
the Chesapeake and England, all tend to the conclusion 
that Lafitte's representations aroused the people to take 
the defence of the city into their own hands. But the 
value of Lafitte's intelligence did not end here. Clai- 
borne, persevering in his reliance in the verity of the 
documents dispatched to him by Lafitte, sent copies of 
them to General Jackson, who was then stationed at 
Mobile, watching the movements of the Spanish aud 
British at Pensacola. 

The perusal of these letters, under the popular impres- 
sion as to the character of the parties from which they 
were obtained, drew from the stern and ardent Jackson 
a fiery proclamation, in which he indignantly denounced 
the British, for their perfidy and baseness, and appealed 
in fervid language to all Louisianians, to repel "the 
calumnies which that vain-glorious boaster, Colonel 
Nichols, had proclaimed in his insiduous address." The 
calumnies referred to were the assertions that the Creoles 
were crushed and oppressed by the Yankees and that 
they would be restored to their rightful dominion by the 
British. Herein we may observe the germ of that feel- 
ing which led even Jackson into some errors, and the 
British into the most ridiculous delusions. It was the 
apprehension or doubt as to the fidelity and- ardor of the 
French settlers and Creoles of Louisiana, in the defence 



LAFITTE, THE PATRIOT. 53 

of the State. Subsequent events will show, despite the 
grossest misrepresentations of ignorant or designing 
persons, that in no part of the United States did there 
exist greater hostility to the British, or a more earnest 
determination to resist their approach to the city, than 
among the descendants of that race, which had been 
from time immemorial England's national, if not natural 
enemy. 

It is remarkable, that whilst making use of the infor- 
mation furnished by Lafitte, General Jackson indulges 
in the strongest language of denunciation of the " Pirates 
of Barataria," styling them " a hellish banditti." It 
would not be consistent with the acknowledged gener- 
osity and manly frankness of Jackson, as well as with 
subsequent events, to suppose that he knew at the time 
this language was used, how great a debt was due to 
the chief of that " hellish banditti," for the very infor- 
mation upon which his energetic measures were based. 
Though severe and violent against evil doers, and espe- 
cially against those who were implicated in transactions 
having the aspect of cruelty, of lawless violence and 
oppression, Jackson was at the same time remarkable 
for that prompt magnanimity which would extend justice, 
protection and even generous forbearance to all brave 
and sincere, but guilty and erring men. 

A striking example of these qualities of Jackson, 
wdiich was given but a few months before the occur- 
rences we are describing, and is connected with events 
that belong to this history, may not be inappropriately 
introduced in this place. 

After the disastrous battle of the Horse-Shoe, the 
broken-spirited chiefs of the Red Sticks, who had been 
dispersed over the country, crept singly, or in small 



54: JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

squads, into Jackson's headquarters, at Fort Jackson, 
humbly suing for his pardon and protection. The last 
to stoop to this degradation, was the famous half-breed 
chief, William Weatherford, familiarly knowp as "Bloody 
Bill." This chief was truely one of Nature^ noblemen. 
Though uneducated, he possessed an excellent native 
intellect, great magnanimity of soul, clouded but not 
obscured by his savage education and habits. He 
moved with a dignified, graceful, and courtly bearing, 
not only in his favorite home, the forest, but even among 
the haunts and in the circles of the white man. His 
eyes were large, dark, and piercing. His proportions 
were symmetrical yet powerful, sinewy, and agile. He 
possessed those virtues which would have adorned a 
knight in the days of chivalry, bravery, generosity, truth 
and honor. His vices were those of his race, vindictive 
ferocity, unsparing and undying hate of the whites. 

Weatherford led a thousand warriors against Fort 
Mimms in the summer of 1813. Falling upon the 
garrison, he took it by surprise, and after a gallant 
resistance slew the whole party, consisting of several 
families and a military force. It was this event which 
had drawn Jackson from his civil pursuits, into his first 
Indian campaign. The descriptions of that bloody 
massacre greatly excited his ardent and sympathetic 
nature, and no doubt gave vigor and determination to 
the measures employed by him to punish such atrocities. 

After several fights, in which he displayed his usual 
courage and address, Weatherford encountered a strong 
force under General Claiborne, at another " Holy 
Ground" of the Indians, on the Alabama River, where a 
fierce and protracted conflict ensued. Fighting to the 
last, Weatherford discovered that his men had deserted 



LAFITTE, THE PATRIOT. 05 

him, and were passing over in the boats to the othei 
side of the river, leaving him alone amid his enemies. 
As soon as he perceived his situation, he put spurs to a 
splendid grey charger of unsurpassed activity and fleet- 
ness, which he always rode in battle, and coursing along 
the bank of the Alabama, came to a ravine, where there 
was a perpendicular bluff, ten or fifteen feet above the 
surface of the river. Over this, with a mighty bound, 
leaped the dauntless chief, and both rider and charger 
sunk out of sight beneath the waves. Soon, however, 
they rose again, the chief grasping the mane of his horse 
with his left hand and firmly holding his rifle in his 
right. Swimming boldly forward, he gained the opposite 
bank of the river, and shouting a loud defiance at his 
foes, plunged into the forest and disappeared. This feat 
has given name to the bluff where it was performed, and 
ever since it has been known throughout Alabama, as 
Weather ford's Leap." 

Deserted by his men, alone, amid the solitudes of 
nature, Weatherford roamed the forest unsubdued and 
undaunted. Hearing that General Jackson had offered 
a large reward for his capture, and that many, even of 
his old followers, were on his track, he resolved to go in 
person and surrender himself to Jackson, and thus 
thwart the treacherous designs of the recreant of his 
own race. Mounting the noble charter that had borne 
him over the bluff at the Holy Ground, he rode within 
a few miles of Fort Jackson, when, a fine deer crossing 
his path, and stopping within rifle distance, he fired at 
and killed it. Reloading his rifle with two balls, for the 
purpose of shooting " Big Warrior," a renegade of his 
own tribe, then in Jackson's camp, should he offer him 
any insult, he threw the deer across his horse's 



56 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

shoulders, and advanced to the American outposts. 
Some soldiers, of whom he politely inquired for Jack- 
son's whereabouts, gave him unsatisfactory and rude 
replies, which sorely tried the temper of the fiery chief, 
when a grey-headed man, pointing him to the General's 
marquee, Weatherford contemptuously turned his back 
upon his revilers, and rode up to the tent, where, sud- 
denly checking his horse, he discovered the treacherous 
Big Warrior standing before him. " Ah ! Bill Weather- 
ford," exclaimed Big Warrior, "have we got you at 
last." The fearless chief cast a glance of ineffable scorn 
at the renegade, who shrank under his keen glance, and 
exclaimed in a determined voice, "You base traitor, if 
you give me any impudence I will blow a bullet through 
your cowardly heart." 

General Jackson, hearing the altercation and the 
name of Weatherford, rushed out of his tent, and in a 
furious and threatening manner cried out, " How dare 
you, sir, ride up to my tent after having murdered the 
women and children at Fort Mimms ?" Assuming an 
attitude of fearless defiance, folding his arms with the 



resignation of a hero, Weatherford replied, "General 
Jackson, I am not afraid of you. I fear no man, for I 
am a Creek warrior. I have nothing to ask for myself. 
You can kill me if you desire. But I came to beg you 
to send for the women and children of the war party, 
who are starving in the woods. Their fields and cribs 
have been destroyed by your people, who have driven 
them to the woods without an ear of corn. I hope you 
will send parties to relieve them. I tried in vain to pre- 
vent the massacre of the women and children at Fort 
Mimms ; I am now done fighting. The Eed Sticks are 
nearly all killed. If I could fight you any longer, I 



LAFITTE, TUE PATRIOT. 57 

would most heartily do so. Send for the women and 
children ; they never did you any harm ; but kill me, if 
the white people want it." 

At the conclusion of these words, several persons of 
the crowd that had gathered around the chief exclaimed, 
" Kill him, kill him !" Gen. Jackson commanded 
silence, and in an emphatic manner said, " Any one 
who would kill as brave a man as this in cold blood, 
would rob the dead !" He then invited "Weatherford to 
alight, drank with him a glass of brandy, and entered 
into cheerful conversation with him under the General's 
marquee. "Weatherford gave the General the deer, and 
they were ever afterwards good friends. 

The magnanimity thus displayed to the chief, in one 
of the bloodiest Indian massacres recorded in our 
annals, would have revolted at the application of terms, 
"hellish banditti," to men, whose leader had, at such 
great sacrifices of personal advancement and interest 
supplied the information of the designs of the British 
against New Orleans, furnishing the key by which 
Jackson was enabled to arrange and prepare his unpar- 
alleled and glorious defence. Much more satisfactory is 
the conclusion, that Jackson was kept in ignorance of 
the means by which this intelligence was obtained, and 
knew only the fact, that propositions had been made 
by the British to the Baratarians, whom vulgar and 
prevalent report characterized as savage and blood- 
thirsty pirates. 

Thus conspicuous and valuable were the services 
which Jean Lafltte rendered to the State of Louisiana. 

The long agony was now over. The suspense and 
doubt which had agitated the whole country, were, for 
the first time, dissipated. The designs of the British 

3* 



58 JACKSON AND NEW OELEANS. 

were laid bare. Their vast preparations were now 
understood. The point upon which they were to throw 
themselves with the powerful force which was now 
hurrying towards the West Indies, was clearly perceived. 
The deeply-laid scheme of the British Cabinet, by which 
all the disasters of the war were to be redeemed in a 
blaze of glory, was exposed to the world.* In the con- 
fidence that seeresy had been preserved, the politicians 
of Great Britain, at home and on the Continent, boldly 
proclaimed the conquest and occupation of Xew Orleans 
as fait accompli. " I expect at this moment," remarked 
Lord Castlereagh, at Paris, about the middle of Decem- 
ber, 1814, "that most of the large seaport towns of 
America are by this time laid in ashes ; that we are in 
possession of New Orleans, and have command of all 
the rivers of the Mississippi valley and the Lakes, and 
that the Americans are now little better than prisoners 
in their own country." 

It has been asserted by British writers that the secret 
of the expedition transpired through the carelessness 
and blundering of one of their own naval officers, who 
communicated the tenor of his instructions to a Jew 
trader, whilst a portion of the fleet lay off the West 
Indies. This is the English story — but it is an error. 
Before the fleet arrived near Jamaica, Lafitte had trans- 
mitted the documents already referred to, which devel- 
oped the design of the British on New Orleans, and led 
to the measures which were set on foot for its defence. 
Had Lafitte assented to the proposals of the British 
authorities, and permitted them to occupy his port at 
Barataria, giving them the use of his fleet of small 
vessels, they would have been able to transport their 
army with rapidity and ease to the Mississippi River, at 



LAFITTE, THE PATRIOT. 59 

a point above New Orleans. Tims having the means of 
cutting off reinforcements and supplies from the West, 
the capture of the city would have been inevitable. By 
examining the map of Louisiana, it will be seen that 
there is no easier access to the city from the Gulf, than 
through the Bay and Bayou of Barataria, a circumstance 
which has induced the General Government to expend 
so large a sum on the fortifications at Grand Terre, that 
command the entrance of the Bay. 

Let the truth then be now told ! Time scatters the 
mist of prejudice and passion, and patient inquiry dis- 
sipates the gaudy and ingenious web of poetry and 
romance. In truthful history Jean Lafitte must ever 
occupy a conspicuous position among the gallant spirits 
of 1814: and 1815, for the brilliancy and efficiency of 
the services which he rendered his adopted country, 
whose authorities destroyed his fortune, blasted his 
prospects, and handed his name down to posterity as 
that of a blood-thirsty corsair and outlaw, the hero of 
numerous fictions, written to inflame youthful imagina- 
tions and satisfy a morbid appetite for scenes of blood, 
of murder, of reckless daring, and lawless outrage. A 
name which he had, by such honorable self abnegation, 
hoped to redeem from all dishonor, .and connect with 
conspicuous and patriotic services, became the favorite 
nom de guerre of every desperate adventurer and roving 
corsair of the Gulf. 

Less cruel was that terrific Norther which, a few 
years after the events we have described, when misfor- 
tune had crushed his spirit, bowed his manly form, 
dimned the lustre of that eye, that once possessed such 
power " to threaten or command," and sprinkled with 
premature snows those raven locks that once gave so 



60 JACKSON AND NEW OKLEAN3. 

mucn effect to his handsome face — more merciful, 
indeed, was that resistless hurricane which, sweeping 
over the Gulf in the fall of 1817, struck the little 
schooner, laden with all that remained of the once 
princely fortune of Jean Lafitte, which he was bearing 
to some distant land, where the odious epithet of pirate 
would not follow him — where he might end his days in 
peace and contentment. Amid the shrieks of the storm- 
bird, the roar of the elements, the crash of thunder, and 
the screams for mercy of erring men, Jean Lafitte, with 
all his worldly goods, found in a watery tomb, that 
oblivion and rest which were denied to him in this life. 
Peace to his soul ! Justice to his memory ! 

Barataria, once so busy a scene, where roystering 
freebooters held their noisy wassail, where sharp-eyed 
peddlers were wont to gather as to a fair, to purchase 
great bargains from traders more skillful in handling a 
pike and cutlass than in higgling over silks and jewelry ; 
and where, not unfrequently, might be seen some of the 
chief men of New Orleans, who, from the profits of their 
transactions with the unsophisticated but very successful 
privateers, became millionaires in full time to repent of 
their early irregularities, and establish for themselves 
high reputations, • as punctilious merchants and law- 
abiding citizens ; where floated a gallant little fleet of 
fast sailers, trim, arrow-like craft, armed to the teeth, 
and ready for any emergency ; where, on the low coast, 
quite a formidable battery of cannon stood ready to 
defend the valuable stores, and to dispute the passage 
through the narrow strait by which New Orleans could 
be reached in the shortest distance from the Gulf of 
Mexico, the scene of all this life, jollity, and lawless 
adventure, is now one of the most solitary, dreary, and 



LAFITTE, THE PATRIOT. 01 

desolate along the whole low, flat coast of the Gulf of 
Mexico, Barataria, no longer a doubtful or disputed 
territory, has long since passed from the possession of 
the freebooter into that of the republic of the United 
States, which now proclaims and enforces its title by a 
powerful fortification, that completely commands the 
entrance of the bay, from whose ramparts the eye, fol- 
lowing the winding strait, can discern the quiet little 
cove, now restored to its original desolation and solitude, 
and the dreary, storm-beaten shore, where a few dark 
mounds and crumbling heaps afford the only vestiges 
of the brief but brilliant reign of Jean Lafitte, the 
blacksmith of St. Philip street, New Orleans, miscalled 
the Pirate of the Gulf of Mexico. 



JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 



IV. 



JACKSON CLEARS HIS FLANKS. 



It was in the middle of September, 1814, when Jack- 
son learned definitely the design of the British against 
New Orleans. Before he could leave for that scene of 
operations, it was necessary to ascertain what was the 
object of the several British ships that were hovering 
about the Gulf coast, as well as of the preparations that 
were going on atPensacola, with the connivance of the 
Spanish authorities. It was quite evident that the 
British had selected this important post as the base of 
their operations. In the summer of ISM, the brig 
Orpheus, under the command of the Hon. Sir "W. H. 
Percy, a youthful officer, who inherited the courage and 
enterprise of his ancestors — immortalized in the fine old 
ballad of " Chevy Chase" — landed at Apalachicola, 
and dispatched several officers to intrigue with the 
neighboring Choctaws, with a view of obtaining their 
aid in operations against Fort Bowyer. As far as 
promises and assurances would go, these intrigues were 
quite successful. The Choctaws are a cunning tribe, 
who prefer the money, the blankets, the gew-gaws and 
whisky of the whites, to all the scalps, trophies and 
glories of war. 



JACKSON CLEAKS HIS FLANKS. 63 

Shortly after the arrival of the Hermes, two British 
sloops of war appeared in the same waters. These 
sloops had on board a small land force, intended as the 
nucleus of an army, to be augmented by additions from 
the Spanish and Indian populations of the country. 
These were under the command of Col. Nichols, an 
Irishman by birth, and an officer of much daring, 
activity and energy, but of blustering manners, of quick 
and violent temper, and unscrupulous character. 

On his way to the Florida coast, Nichols stopped at 
Havana and endeavored to persuade the Captain- 
General to cooperate with the means and force of that 
colony, in the enterprise against Louisiana and Florida. 
But the cautious Spaniard was not to be enticed into 
such a perilous adventure. Nichols then proceeded to 
Pensacola, landed his force without asking leave of the 
authorities, and commenced organizing an expedition to 
inarch into the interior. The Indians were invited to 
come in and join the party. Runners were sent in 
every direction to collect and conduct them to Pen- 
sacola. There, they were supplied with arms and 
uniforms, and drilled according to the civilized mode of 
warfare. Grotesque and ludicrous in the extreme, was 
the appearance of these untutored savages, as they 
paraded the streets of the quaint old town of Pensacola, 
arrayed in the gaudy scarlet uniforms of the British 
army. 

Almost the first act of Nichols, after arriving at 
Pensacola, was to dispatch Captain Lochkyer to Bara- 
taria, for the purpose of obtaining the aid of Lafitte 
and his men, and particularly of his invaluable small 
craft, so necessary in coast operations. The result of 
that mission has already been related. Meantime 



64r JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Nichols continued to organize and strengthen his 
motley command at Pensacola, 

The conduct of the Spanish authorities, in conniving 
at and permitting such an organization within their 
territory and against the United States, naturally 
excited much indignation throughout the Union. Gene- 
ral Jackson had been sent specially to prevent and 
punish such violations of neutrality and good faith. 
He had full authority to call upon the neighboring 
States for troops. His call upon Louisiana was promptly 
responded to, and Governor Claiborne held all the 
available force of the State ready to march to Jackson's 
aid. But the timely approach of the indefatigable and 
unfailing Coffee with his mounted gunmen, together 
with several detachments of regular troops then in the 
territory, supplied Jackson with a force sufficient to 
check any movements of the British from that quarter, 
and to put a stop to the proceedings at Pensacola. His 
keen eye, in surveying the coast, quickly discovered 
that a great error had been committed in the evacua- 
tion of Fort Bowyer, a point, from which the British 
would be exposed to much annoyance in any operations 
in the Lakes and along the Gulf coast, This fort not 
only commanded the entrance into Mobile Bay and 
the navigation of the rivers which empty into it, but 
also the passes of the Lakes on the west side. The fort 
stood at the extremity of the tongue or isthmus extend- 
ing between Lake Borgne and Bon Secour, or mouth 
of the Mobile Bay. To this fort, Jackson sent Major 
Lawrence, of the regular army, with one hundred and 
thirty men, including officers and twenty pieces of 
cannon. By great exertions, the fort was placed in a 
situation to make a vigorous defence, in time for the 



JACKSON CLEARS HIS FLANKS. 65 

arrival of the British fleet, whose commander, seeing 
the importance of the point, hastened to attack it. 

On the evening of the 12th September, 1814, the 
outpost sentinel of the fort descried a dark, confused 
mass of men coming over the low beach from the Lake 
Borgne side of the isthmus. It was nightfall, and the 
party having halted, bivouacked on the beach. The 
next day, as soon as it was light, they advanced in bat- 
tle array against the fort. It was quite a formidable 
force. There were about two hundred Indian warriors, 
who had acquired some experience and familiarity with 
warlike operations, in the recently concluded campaigns 
of Jackson ; most of them disguised in British jackets, 
bearing awkwardly heavy muskets, and wearing swords 
that dangled between their naked legs, and tripped 
them up on the sand. They came towards the fort in 
one long, straggling line — their flanks being supported 
by compact lines of British marines. Permitting them 
to approach within good range, Major Lawrence sud- 
denly opened upon them with a few well-directed 
discharges of grape, which soon drove them howling 
and screaming, like wild beasts, foiled of their prey, 
beyond the reach of his guns. 

In the meantime the British squadron approached 
the fort in front. This was a more serious affair. 
Major Lawrence assembled his men, and called on 
them to join in a solemn oath, not to surrender the 
fort. The spirit of his gallant namesake prevailed in 
that heroic band — " Don't give up the fort," was the 
oath and motto of the garrison. 

The British ships were four in number. The Hermes, 
28 ; the Charon, 28 ; Sophia, 18 ; Anaconda, 16 ; all 



66 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

thirty-twos, making an effective battery of ninety guns, 
manned by six hundred sailors and marines. These 
ships approached within musket range of the fort, and 
casting anchor, opened a tremendous lire upon it. At 
the same time, their land forces having thrown up a 
battery within seven hundred yards, of the fort, com- 
menced firing from that direction. Major Lawrence 
returned both fires with great vigor. For some time 
the cannonade was maintained on both sides with the 
greatest fury, the fort and ships being completely 
enveloped in smoke. The American batteries, though 
managed by infantry, w T ere more effective than the 
British. Soon the flag of the Hermes was shot away. 
Major Lawrence, with the chivalric consideration of a 
true soldier, suspended his firing. The Hermes having 
restored her flag again poured her broadsides into the 
little fort with redoubled fury. The reply of the fort 
was equally earnest. At last the cable of the Hermes 
was cut, and her situation became very critical. Struck 
by the current, she was borne towards the fort, and her 
bows presented to its cannon, which raked her decks 
fore and aft. Soon she drifted ashore, when her com- 
mander, Captain Percy, setting fire to her, abandoned 
the wreck and escaped aboard the Charon. About this 
time the flag of the fort was shot away, and whilst 
Major Lawrence was fastening it to a sponge-rod to 
elevate it again, the British force on land rushed 
towards the fort, thinking it had surrendered. A few 
discharges of grape, however, from the fort, soon sent 
them back again in double-quick time. The other 
vessels were then, with difficulty, hauled off, and 
finally, the enterprise was abandoned by the British 



JACKSON CLEARS HIS FLANKS. 67 

with a loss of one hundred and sixty-two killed and 
seventy -two wounded. Major Lawrence lost four killed 
and four wounded. 

Never was there a more poignant disappointment 
than that which prevailed at Pensacola among the 
Spaniards and British, when the result of this expedi- 
tion was known. The Spaniards had been excited by 
the hope of reclaiming the valuable territory which the 
Americans had snatched from them four years before. 
The Indians had been enticed, by the prospect of 
revenge, of bloodshed and rapine. The British confi- 
dently hoped to secure the key to their future grand 
designs against the Southwest. But in place of these 
splendid results, behold their fleet, creeping in such 
crippled state slowly into Pensacola, with signs of 
defeat and disaster, that might move the pity of their 
enemies. Their noble commander's laurels have shri- 
velled, and the lofty pride of the Percys suffered an 
abasement, which must indeed have sent a bitter pang 
to the heart of the aristocratic young sailor, whose once 
gallant ship now lay a smouldering wreck on the dreary- 
coast of Bon Secour. 

The feelings of the impetuous Irishman, who was the 
soul and author of this enterprise, may be better 
imagined than described. To the mental chagrin of 
defeat in a cherished undertaking, Colonel Nichols 
had the misfortune, on this occasion, to add the agony 
of a severe and painful wound received in the action. 

Major LawTence and his gallant associates well 
deserved the thanks which Jackson, in his own, and 
in the name of the Eepublic, conveyed to them as the 
heroes of one of the most gallant but least noticed 
affairs of the war of 1812. 



68 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Jackson now began to chafe with impatience at the 
long delays in the approach of the troops, for which he 
had for some months before issued his requisitions. He 
perceived very clearly the plan of the British. The 
"Pirate's" information w r as now confirmed. It was 
quite evident that the attack on Fort Bowyer was a 
feeler, a preliminary step to the occupation of a more 
important place, the only considerable town in the 
Southwest. New Orleans was the game for which 
they w r ere " beating the bush." Jackson soon dissemi- 
nated this conviction. The news Hew through the 
country, not with electric fleetness, but as rapidly as 
the imperfect communications of that period would 
permit, that' New Orleans was to be attacked — that 
New Orleans, for the possession of which, the popula- 
tion in the Mississippi valley had struggled so long, 
even to the point of threatening to dissolve the Union 
and involving the nation in war, rather than permit so 
important a depot of their trade to remain in the hands 
of another Power. The city, which w r as destined to 
become the second in commerce in the Union, the 
metropolis and capital of the great empire of the 
Mississippi valley, whither the vast and various popu- 
lation of this great region would resort for trade, 
pleasure, information — was not to be yielded up on any 
consideration or at any sacrifice. 

All depended on the West. The South was too weak 
in resources and population, to offer a prompt and effect- 
ive resistance to the invader. The Government at Wash- 
ington, so incapable in its own immediate neighborhood, 
had neither the energy, nor the means to afford any 
prompt aid in defence of so remote a settlement. Presi- 
dent Madison's " inability to view scenes of carnage 



JACKSON CLEARS HIS FLANKS. 69 

with composure," to which Jackson ascribed that sad 
disgrace at Bladensburg and Washington, had quite 
unnerved him ever since the destruction of the Capitol 
by a British force one-fourth as large as that which was 
reported to be on its way towards New Orleans. In 
place of men and munitions-, the Government sent Jack- 
son to create both. Thus it redeemed the most criminal 
neglect. 

The occasion had brought forward the man. Un- 
daunted, whilst the whole country was filled with the 
gloomiest forebodings, Jackson commenced his j>repara- 
tions to receive the enemy. He sent forth proclama- 
tions, full of ardent patriotism and inspiring energy, to 
the people of the South and West, entreating them to 
leave their peaceful homes, their families, and their civil 
duties, and hasten to the point where the honor of the 
Republic was threatened. No class of citizens was 
omitted in these rallying appeals. Even the colored 
freemen of Louisiana, so generally excluded from poli- 
tical rights and duties, were invited to co-operate with 
their white brethren in the defence of a common coun- 
try. 

Before leaving Mobile to commence his personal 
superintendence of the defence of New Orleans, Jack- 
son determined to rid that quarter of an annoyance 
from which he might experience some embarrassment in 
his future operations. We refer to the proceedings at 
Pensacola, where the hostile British and Indians found 
constant aid and encouragement from the faithless Span- 
iards. The opportune arrival of some new levies from 
Tennessee, together with detachments of regular troops, 
a troop of Mississippi dragoons, amounting in all to four 
thousand effective men, supplied him with an efficient 



70 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

force, which he immediately set in motion, and after a 
long and wearisome march, appeared suddenly before 
Pensacola. 

After some negotiations conducted through Major 
Peire — a gallant and high-toned young officer-— a native 
of New Orleans, the Spaniards refusing to accede to 
demands which were equally just, and necessary to their 
own security and the preservation of their neutrality, 
Jackson pushed his column into the town, carrying a 
Spanish fort which opened upon him, at the point of 
the bayonet, with the loss of eleven killed and wounded. 
The Governor then sent a flag of truce and hostilities 
ceased. But the commander of Fort St. Michael, refus- 
ing to surrender that post, Major Peire was directed 
with eight hundred men to take it, Jackson, at the same 
time, withdrawing the greater part of his force from the 
town, under the fire of the English ships anchored in 
the harbor. The commandant of the fort, after much 
equivocation and delay, at last surrendered to Major 
Peire just as that officer was forming his storming party. 

The moderation and good conduct of the Americans 
soon reconciled the Spaniards to the vigorous measures 
which Jackson had employed against them. Jackson 
next advanced against Fort Barancas, on the other side 
of the bay, but seeing his approach, the Spaniards blew 
it up, and retreated to the British ships, which shortly 
after weighed anchor, and dropped over the bar. 

It was in this attack on Pensacola, that two of the 
most gallant of Jackson's young officers were grievously 
wounded. The forlorn hope in this attack was composed 
of the company of Captain Laval, of the Third Kegi- 
ment. Laval was a South Carolinian. His father had 
been an officer in the French service, who came over to 



JACKSON CLEARS HIS FLANKS. 71 

America in the legion of the Duke of Lauzun in the 
war of independence. 

Calling upon "his men to follow, Capt. Laval rushed 
forward at the head of his company, through a tempest 
of grape and round shot, until he reached the foot of 
the Spanish battery, when a large grape shot tore his 
leg to pieces, and'he fell apparently lifeless to the ground 
At the same moment Lieutenant Flournoy lost his leg, 
and fell by the side of Captain Laval. Both these gal- 
lant men survived their injuries, and are now living in 
robust health and vigor. 

Captain Laval, who resides in Charleston, after filling 
the offices of Secretary of State of South Carolina, Con- 
troller General, Assistant Treasurer of the United States, 
is now the Treasurer of his native State, universally 
respected for his many virtues, and admired for his 
manly bearing and striking military appearance. 

Lieutenant Flournoy, now Dr. Flournoy, is a highly 
respectable citizen of Louisiana, residing in the parish 
of Caddo. 

By these vigorous measures, Jackson relieved himself 
of all trouble and annoyance in this quarter. Establish- 
ing garrisons in Pensacola, he marched the greater part 
of his force back to Mobile. From this point he dis- 
patched all his disposable troops to Kew Orleans, and 
then left for this scene of his more trying and important 
duties. 

The State authorities of Louisiana had not been idle. 
Governor Claiborne, having convened the Legislature 
on the 5th October, 1814, called their attention to the 
impending invasion, and to the duty and necessity of 
meeting it in a vigorous and effective manner. The 
Legislature proceeded to business, but under most dis- 



72 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

couraging auspices. The members were divided into 
several factions. The most trivial disputes engrossed 
their minds. By one party the Governor was so cor- 
dially hated, that the members,- in the manifestation of 
their hostility, did not perceive, or did not care, that 
their conduct was communicating discouragement and 
discord to the people. There was no union or harmony 
of action ; no confidence in one another, or between 
officials, under the same Government. Besides, there 
was the prejudice and jealousy of races. The Ameri- 
cans distrusted the loyalty of the Creoles, and the Creoles 
could not believe that the new settlers would risk their 
lives for the defence of the soil whereon they had so 
recently " pitched their tents." 

Both distrusted the foreign population, though it con- 
tributed some of the boldest and most efficient of the 
city's defenders. Prominent in this class were the Irish 
and French emigrants, all of whom, then residing in 
the city, and capable of bearing arms, came forward 
promptly and determinedly to fight for their adopted 
country, and for freedom, against their hereditary 
oppressor and enemy. 

Seeing their chiefs and leaders thus divided, the people 
grew alarmed, distrustful, and despairing. They com- 
plained of the Legislature ; the Legislature complained 
of the Governor; the Governor complained of both the 
Legislature and the people. Time and money were 
consumed in these idle disputations, and in the discus- 
sion of various schemes of defence, concocted by " rising 
politicians," smart lawyers, enterprising merchants, and 
pretentious planters. There was neither money nor 
credit in the city. The country had been drained of 
its specie. ISTew Orleans being exclusively an exporting 



JACKSON CLEARS HIS FLANKS. 73 

city, ceased to possess any resources when its foreign 
commerce was cut off. The banks had suspended pay- 
ment ; small notes were put in circulation ; and dollars 
cut in pieces to make small change. Capitalists and 
merchants hoarded their means. All kinds of arms 
and munitions of war were scarce. 

Indeed, never was a city so defenceless, so exposed, 
so weak, so prostrate, as New Orleans in the fall of 1814. 
There was not sufficient time to obtain aid from the 
West. There was no naval force in the port or the 
adjacent waters ; not a regiment of armed men in the 
city. The resources of the whole State were scarcely 
adequate to the production and organization of two 
militia regiments. The population of the city was a 
new and mixed one, composed of people of all nations 
and races, who had been too recently admitted into the 
Union to feel that strong attachment for the government 
and flag, which characterizes an old and homogeneous 
community. Besides, there was a vast amount of valu- 
able property, merchandise and produce accumulated 
in the storehouses, which would be in danger of destruc- 
tion in case of an attempt to repel the invader. To save 
this property, would be a strong inducement to a sur- 
render and capitulation of the city. Few, indeed, were 
there who could look these perils and difficulties in the 
face, and entertain the idea of a serious defence of the 
city against any well-organized and well-conducted 
expedition. 

It w r as at this gloomy moment Jackson arrived. He 
was worn down by fatigue, anxiety and sickness. That 
most distressing and enervating of all the diseases of 
the soldier, the dysentery, had left him scarcely the 
strength to stand erect or sit upon his horse. He came 

4 



74 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

to the city with no display of power ; with no loud pro- 
testations, brilliant promises or extravagant boasts. And 
yet his presence in ]STew Orleans was like that of " an 
army with banners ;" his name was " a host;" his words 
communicated confidence and hope to all. The stories 
of his gallantry, his invincibility, his heroic resolution 
and Spartan fortitude, were familiar as household ditties 
to the people of New Orleans. No wonder, then, their 
spirits rallied and their courage grew strong, when the 
electric words, flew through the city and its faubourgs — • 
" Jackson has come !" The people were now thor- 
oughly aroused to a sense of their duty. A resolute 
determination to defend the city to the last pervaded all 
classes. Jackson did not permit their ardor to cool. 
He proceeded to organize the military force of the 
city, which at that time consisted of two small militia 
regiments, and a weak but gallant battalion of 
uniformed volunteers, commanded by Major Plauche, a 
firm, sedate, gallant Creole, who now lives in New 
Orleans, respected and honored by all his fellow citizens. 
This corps was composed chiefly of young Creoles, who 
were full of military ardor and courage. The compa- 
nies were variously uniformed, and highly disciplined 
and trained. They marched with the port and precision 
of regular soldiers to the music of a fine band. 

This battalion had been formed about a month before 
the arrival of Jackson. It originated with the company 
of " Carablniers cV Orleans" the first independent volun- 
teer corps organized in New Orleans after the cession 
of Louisiana to the United States, which had already 
been in existence, under the command of Captain 
Plauche, for two years, when it was proposed, in view 
of the threatening aspect of affairs, to form other com- 



JACKSON CLEAKS HIS FLANKS. 75 

panies, in numbers sufficient to make a battalion. Ac- 
cordingly, four other companies were organized, under 
the respective names of " Hulans," or Foot Dragoons, 
under captain St. Geme ; "Francs," Captain Hudiy; 
" Louisiana Blues," Captain Maunsel White; "Chas- 
seurs," Captain Guibert. The rank and file of the 
battalion amounted to three hundred and eighty-five 
men. Captain Plauche was elected Major on the 15th 
December, and Captain Roche succeeded him in the 
command of the Carabiniers. 

Forty years and more have now elapsed since this 
gallant corps cV elite of citizen soldiers was formed. 
Death has not spared its ranks ; still there linger in our 
midst, not a few of these veterans, who were the first to 
illustrate and stimulate that military ardor, which has 
ever distinguished New Orleans above all other com- 
munities ; and which, thirty-four years after, enabled a 
city of one hundred thousand inhabitants to contribute 
in a few weeks, six fine regiments of volunteers, who 
abandoned homes and families, to march to a distant 
and foreign land, to defend the flag and sustain the arms 
of the Republic. 

The names of the men of the bataillon d' Orleans who 
still survive, deserve to be mentioned in sketches, that 
aim to revive and invigorate the gratitude and venera- 
tion, in which the present generation should hold those 
whose gallant bearing gave so much courage and confi- 
dence to the population of New Orleans in its day of 
trial and peril. Those names are as follows: J. B. 
Plauche, major; Maunsel White, captain of the Louis- 
iana Blues; E. J. Forstall, corporal; Tricon, Boreas, 
Pelerin, Pedesclaux, P. Lanaux, P. DeBuys, W. De- 
Buys, Garidel, II. McCall, Vincent Nolte, Carabiniers. 
A. Fernandez, Fauchet, musicians. Of the Hulans there 



76 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

are but three survivors — Correjoles, Duplantier, and 
Barnet. Of the Francs there are also three living, 
C. Toleclano, K. Toledano, P. D. Henry. Of the Louis- 
iana Blues, besides their captain, Messrs. John Hagan 
and Ii. "W". Palfrey survive. The latter is now the Briga- 
dier General commanding the Louisiana Legion, a large 
military force composed of several battalions, of which 
the Carabiniers of 1814 was the origin. Of the Chas- 
seurs the survivors are J. B. Lepretre, Lamothe ills, 
S. Cyr, G. Montamat, C. W. Duhy, S. M. Lapice, S. Pey- 
rouse, L. Ferranderie, Meunier, M. Melleur and Bournos, 
making in all thirty-six. 

Jackson called together all the engineers in New 
Orleans, to obtain the necessary information in regard 
to the topography of the city, and consult about the 
defences. He saw at a glance, that the city could be 
approached by various large bayous, which, starting 
near the Mississippi, flow into the gulf or the numerous 
bays that indent the Gulf shore. By his order, Governor 
Claiborne caused the mouths of the principal of these 
bayous to be filled up with earth and trees. Next, 
Jackson visited all the forts in the neighborhood of the 
city, ordered them to be strengthened, and new forts 
and fortifications to be established at various points. 
He gave special attention to strengthening and render- 
ing impregnable Fort St. Philip, below the city, and 
occupying a most favorable position to prevent the 
passage up the river of ships of war. 

And now the people of New Orleans breathed freely 
and slept soundly. They had neither armies nor navies, 
but they had the bold heart, the strong mind, and the 
unconquerable spirit of a Jackson — to defend their 
firesides, and they felt secure, confident and courageous. 



THE BRITISH REVIEW AND EMBARKATION. 



THE BRITISH REVIEW AND EMBARKATION. 

About the first of September, 1814, there was a great 
stir and commotion in the good old seaport town of 
Plymouth, England. Everybody was on the qui vive. 
The streets thronged with people, elate with the excite- 
ment of some public festivity, and dressed for some 
gala occasion. All was life, happiness and enjoyment. 
All the clouds that had lowered upon the island were 
now dissipated by the treaty of Paris. The dread 
Napoleon was playing Emperor on the island of Elba. 
The Continental war had ceased to be the " thought by 
day and dream by night " of the pacific and commercial 
classes, who composed the majority of the population 
of Great Britain. There was only one speck on the 
horizon of England's happiness, and that was too 
distant to excite any serious apprehensions, or inter- 
rupt the general contentment. 

The enthusiasm and excitement, which had aroused 
the usually staid and lethargic population of Plymouth, 
on the present occasion, were due to the expected review 
of one of the finest regiments in the British service, — a 
regiment- which did not return, as so many others had 
straggled into Plymouth, shattered and demoralized, 
broken in body, spirit, and soul — ghastly remnants of 



78 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

the fierce struggles that had destroyed the constitutions 
and moral control of so many men, who might other- 
wise have proved useful members of society, but by the 
ambition of monarchs or ministers, were converted either 
into crippled invalids or reckless vagabonds. 

Not in this condition did the Ninety-third Highland- 
ers return to Plymouth, from their long and peaceful 
sojourn at the Cape of Good Hope. Their history, their 
long absence — the reputation of the regiment for moral- 
ity and even piety, had surrounded the Ninety- third 
with more than usual interest and eclat, in the view of 
the Plymouth people. This regiment was the junior 
Highland corps of the service, having been organized 
by General Wemyss, in 1803. The men were chiefly 
enlisted in Ross and Sutherland counties of Scotland. 
Hence they were usually styled the Sutherland High- 
landers. In 1811 the numerical strength of the regi- 
ment, including non-commissioned officers, was one 
thousand and fifty men, of whom one thousand were 
Scotch, seventeen were Irish, and eighteen English. 
The uniform of the regiment was very rich and showy, 
being of a bright tartan with kilts, high caps trimmed 
with yellow and red. The men were of the most stal- 
wart proportions, having been recruited with particular 
reference to size, height and youth. On account of the 
admirable discipline and moral character of this regi- 
ment, it was kept on home service until 1S05, when, for 
the first time, the pibroch was played at its head, and 
the Ninety-third was mustered into the Expedition 
against the Cape of Good Hope, under Major General 
Sir David Baird. In this enterprise the Ninety-third 
was greatly distinguished. After the capture and occu- 
pation of the Cape, the regiment remained there in 



THE BRITISH REVIEW AND EMBARKATION. 79 

garrison until 1814, when it embarked for England. 
During its long sojourn at this remote station, the 
Ninety-third continued in excellent condition, its disci- 
pline and moral tone being admirably preserved. As 
an evidence of this, we may cite the remarkable fact, 
that in the Light Infantry company, which is composed 
usually of the youngest, most reckless and volatile of 
the regiment, no man was punished for eighteen years. 
A strong feeling of piety pervaded the regiment ; the 
charity and thrift of the men were strikingly illustrated 
by the fact that during their sojourn at the Cape they 
were in the habit of sending considerable sums of 
money home for charitable and religious purposes. 

The review of such a regiment could not but be inter- 
esting to a people not much accustomed to military dis- 
play. The Prince of Orange, with a splendid staff, had 
come down from London to attend this review. The 
parade was brilliant and impressive. The Ninety-third 
was out in all its strength, over a thousand rank and 
file. The men, habited in bran new tartans, with bright 
muskets, waving banners, and the pipers sending forth 
their wildest and most warlike strains, presented a most 
exciting martial spectacle. When formed in line to 
receive the Prince of Orange and staff, the broad 
breasts, wide shoulders, and stalwart figures of the 
Highlanders gave their front a more extended and 
formidable aspect, than even the strength and number 
of the regiment appeared to justify. 

Never did a commander regard his men with more 
pride than the gallant Colonel Dale did his splendid 
corps, nor were a people ever more pleased and de- 
lighted with a military display than were the good citi- 
zens of Plymouth with this parade of soldiers, who were 



80 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

no less remarkable for their orderly habits than for their 
fine military condition and appearance, who presented 
to them the novel anomaly in the British army, of 
peaceable and sober soldiers. The review passed off 
very pleasantly, and a ball and other festivities con- 
cluded the gaieties of the day. The report to the Horse 
Guards of the review and inspection of the Ninety- 
third, represented that there was no regiment in his 
Majesty's service in such effective and complete condi- 
tion. 

But was this a mere holiday display and parade ? So 
the people thought, so they desired, for the English were 
heartily sick of war and military glory. So, too, thought 
the Highlanders, though they had long panted for an 
opportunity of showing that they were as brave in action 
and efficient in war, as they were sober and orderly in 
peace. But no opportunity seemed open to them. 
England was at peace with all the world, except the 
United States, and the hostilities with the latter power 
were believed to be hastening to a close. Commissioners 
of the two nations were then engaged in discussing and 
arranging the terms of a peace and settlement. 

It was not many days after the review we have 
described, that a large fleet of ships-of-war and trans- 
ports sailed into the port of Plymouth. Soon the news 
flew through the town that these vessels were to be 
employed in some highly important secret expedition. 
Various were the surmises and conjectures as to the 
object of such expedition, few of which, we imagine, 
approached the truth. That it was a serious affair, was 
soon confirmed by the fact of the Ninety-third receiving 
marching orders, and proceeding on board the trans- 
ports. Here they were joined by fragments of other 



THE BRITISH REVIEW AND EMBARKATION. 81 

corps, by six companies of the 95th Rifles, of the famous 
Rirlle brigade, which, under Crauford and Barnard had 
participated so largely in the glories of the Peninsular 
Avar, with detachments of artillery, sappers and rocket- 
ers, and a squadron of dragoons of the 14th. This 
force, it was soon known was placed under the command 
of Major General John Keane, a young, gallant and 
ambitious officer, of approved courage and experience. 

Keane was a native of the TNorth of Ireland, and 
entered the army very young. Of an active tempera- 
ment, full of enterprise and devotion to his profession, 
he rose rapidly in rank. In the expedition to Egypt, 
under Sir Ralph Abercrombie, Keane, who was then a 
subaltern, obtained the high praise of his superior officer. 
He was next attached to the Sicilian army, under Sir 
William Bentinck and Sir John Murray, and in the 
expedition to Catalonia against Suchet. He soon rose 
to the command of a brigade, to which was attached 
that celebrated fighting regiment, the 27th, or Enniskil- 
lins. Though the conclusion of the operations in this 
quarter was disastrous, it was from no want of gallantry 
or hard fighting on the part of the troops engaged. The 
chief brunt of the fighting fell on the 27th. Nobly did 
that gallant corps bear up against the splendidly-disci- 
plined and admirably-managed columns of that accom- 
plished soldier, Marshall Suchet, the most successful of 
JSTapoleon's Lieutenants in the Peninsular war. To show 
the spirit and ardent gallantry of the Enniskillins, the 
following incidents may not be uninteresting. 

Previous to this first encounter with the Enniskillins, 
it happened that a wag of an Irishman, who had been 
taken prisoner by the French, enjoyed some free con- 
versations with the Marshal, in the course of which he 

4* 



82 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

intimated that the Irish were strongly hostile to the 
British, and only awaited a good excuse and a fair oppor- 
tunity to go over to the French. Suchet bit at the bait. 
Accordingly, on the first occasion of meeting the Ennis- 
killins in battle, he directed several officers to advance 
in front, and cry out at the top of their voices, " Yive 
Irelandois !" at the same time, extending the hand of. 
friendship and fraternity. Keane, discovering at a 
glance the purpose of the French, formed the regiment 
into a hollow, and ordered it to assume a resting posi- 
tion. The French, deceived by the attitude of the En- 
niskillins, pushed forward enthusiastically to the very 
centre of the line, giving the wildest demonstrations of 
joy and delight over the fraternization with such formi- 
dable foes. Suddenly Keane roared the order, " Charge 
them Enniskillins, charge ! charge !" when the whole 
line dashed forward like a drove of famished wolves, 
and firing one volley into the thick columns of the 
French, sprung at them with their bayonets and made 
fearful havoc in their ranks. 

It was the same regiment which, on another occasion, 
was drawn up to receive the charge of the enemy, when 
a tall grenadier officer stepped out of the French ranks, 
and challenged to mortal combat any officer of the 27th, 
The challenge was eagerly accepted by Captain Wal- 
dron, who advanced half-way to the front, and meeting 
the boastful Frenchman, crossed swords, and, after a 
few passes, clove his head in twain. Then the Ennis- 
killins raised a loud, wild shout of exultation, and rushed 
upon the French with irresistible fury. Such were 
Borne of the antecedents of the associates and compan- 
ions in arms of an officer who is destined to figure con- 
spicuously in these sketches, to whom was entrusted the 



THE BRITISH REVIEW AND EMBARKATION. 83 

command of the expedition which was organized at 
Plymouth in the fall of 1814. 

"When the fleet weighed anchor, and set sail from 
Plymouth on the 18th September, 1814, there were not 
three in the hundreds composing the expedition, who 
were cognizant of its object and design. The prevalent 
idea was, that they were proceeding to join Gen. Ross 
in America, Keane having been designated as the second 
in command to that gallant and enterprising officer. 

About this time, the little army of Gen. Ross, which 
had executed one of the most daring expeditions of 
modern times, found itself under the necessity of with- 
drawing from the further prosecution of its designs 
against Baltimore. The wanton excesses, and barbar- 
ous outrages, the vandalic destruction of unoffending 
buildings devoted to scientific and civil uses, and even 
of monuments erected to commemorate the triumph of 
American valor over the native tribes of Earbary, have 
so sullied and disgraced the character of this expedition, 
that its merits, in a military point of view, have never 
been appreciated. The death of Ross, and the subse- 
quent disasters of his army, have prevented even 
English writers from doing justice to the daring, bold- 
ness, and effectiveness of that gallant dash of four 
thousand men into the very heart of a nation of eight 
or ten millions — capturing and destroying their Capitol, 
and slowly retiring, bearing away a large quantity of 
spoils, and encamping in the midst of a country which 
swarmed with partisan soldiery, composed of men who 
were personally as brave as any in the world, but whose 
leaders and chiefs were mainly of that class which is so 
justly the subject of burlesque, ridicule and distrust — 
militia officers — a class made up chiefly of saddlebag 



84 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

lawyers — the keepers of cross-roads groceries, and ex- 
pectant members of Congress, who are elected in time 
of peace pretty much on the principle embodied in the 
celebrated sarcasm of Pitt, in his amendment to- the 
proposition that the militia of Great Britain should never 
be ordered out of the country, " except," Pitt added, 
" in case of invasion." It was by the gross and palpa- 
ble inefficiency of the superior officers, and of the Gov- 
ernment, and the absence of a leader, that those stains 
were inflicted upon our national escutcheon, which 
could only be obliterated by the heroic valor of a Jack- 
son, and expiated by the bloody sacrifice on the Plains 
of Chalmette! 

The merit, and but little of the infamy of the expedi- 
tion to Washington, were due to General Boss. He 
was a very gallant and successful officer, who possessed, 
to a remarkable degree, the confidence of his superiors 
and inferiors in the army. In the Peninsular war, he 
was distinguished for his activity, daring and steadiness. 
]STo man could hold a column of men better in hand, 
and manoeuvre them with more coolness under fire. 
Besides his military qualities, Boss was a generous, 
high-toned and kind-hearted gentleman. His soul re- 
volted at the outrages which his Government had 
commanded him to inflict on the Americans, and he 
cheerfully transferred to that willing and fit instrument, 
in deeds of barbarism and atrocity, Admiral Cockburn, 
the direction of that desolation, by which the British 
Ministry had commanded him to mark his course, along 
the sparsely settled and undefended shores of Virginia 
and Maryland. 

The circumstances of Boss' death were very impres- 
sive, and to the British disheartening. He was advance 



THE BRITISH REVIEW AND EMBARKATION. 85 

ing upon Baltimore, along the banks of the Petapsco, 
with the same army, somewhat augmented in strength 
and numbers, with which he had fought at Bladensburg 
and captured Washington, when his advance and flank- 
ing companies became engaged with some of the light 
infantry of the brigade of the American General Stry- 
ker. Capt. Aisquith, of the Baltimore Sharp-Shoot- 
ers, a corps which still exists in that city, so famous for 
the efficiency and brilliancy of its volunteer military, 
had been thrown forward by Stryker to reconnoitre on 
the very road which Ross was pursuing. The Sharp- 
Shooters having scattered in small squads on either side 
of the road, became engaged with the British flank 
patrols, and quite a brisk firing ensued. 

Ross immediately rode to the front to observe the 
character of the attack, and had reached the most ad- 
vanced party of his skirmishers, accompanied by his 
aid, Major McDougal, when suddenly, as they reached 
the top of a slight hill in the road, two of Aisquith's 
Sharp-Shooters, H. G. McComas and Daniel Wells, 
appeared before them, and coolly levelling their rifles, 
fired at the British, Ross was struck in the side and fell 
into the arms of his aid, who lifted the wounded General 
from his horse and laid him under a tree by the side of 
'the road. The General's horse, released from restraint, 
galloped wildly to the rear, carrying in his terrified 
aspect and blood-stained saddle the sad tidings to the 
British troops, who pressed forward in quick time, full 
of apprehension and grief. As soon as they perceived 
their General fall, the British skirmishers rushed to the 
front and avenged his death by killing the two Sharp 
Shooters, — who met their fate like men, and were over- 
whelmed by superior numbers whilst gallantly fighting. 



86 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

They were honest, patriotic mechanics of Baltimore, — 
a class of men who give such efficiency to the Volunteer 
corps of the United States. The grateful citizens of the 
" monumental city " have erected a handsome monu- 
ment commemorative of the defence of the city, on 
which are inscribed the names of the two heroic volun- 
teers, who thus fell, after avenging upon the British 
leader, the indignities and barbarous outrage commit- 
ted by the army under his command. Their exploit 
was a gallant and daring one. Subsequent events will 
show how important it was in its consequences. 

There on the same road, separated by a distance of 
two hundred yards, lay the bodies of the British General 
who had fallen in an expedition to lay waste the country 
and destroy the lives of a free people, who had clone 
him or his nation no wrong, — and those of his destroyers 
who had risked and lost their lives in defence of their 
honor and the honor of their country. The British 
soldiers, as they passed the corpse of their dead General, 
uttered many a deep groan of real sorrow ; whilst the 
bodies of the gallant American mechanics were spurned 
and cursed, as if they had not, but a few moments be- 
fore, been the tenements of nobler souls and higher 
virtues, than even those which were embodied in their 
gallant young chief, now a gory corpse, a sad sacrifice 
to Moloch. 

The British were greatly disheartened by the loss of 
their chief. He left no officer who could fill his place 
in the hearts and confidence of the army. Colonel 
Brook, of the Fourth, a gallant man and good com- 
mander of a battalion, but unused to the direction and 
control of a large force, succeeded to the command. 
After a pretty severe action with a detachment of the 



THE BRITISH REVIEW AND EMBARKATION. 87 

Americans, and some slight successes, the British Com- 
mander discovered that the further advance of his army- 
was rendered impracticable, and having consulted with 
Sir Alexander Cochrane, Commander of the Squadron, 
he determined to withdraw the army to the fleet. This 
was done in such good order and with so much secrecy, 
that before the Americans could learn anything of their 
movements, they had gained their fleet and disappeared 
from the coast, winch they had kept for several weeks 
in a state of continual terror and distress. Whither had 
they gone? For what purpose had they come? It 
appeared, certainly, to be a wild, reckless, thoughtless 
enterprise, thus to penetrate the very centre of a nation 
of nine millions of people, with four thousand troops, 
who, during the greater part of their operations, were 
cut off from communication with their squadron. 
What glory, what advantages, what political objects 
could be gained by such an enterprise ? 

The idea that it was prompted .by a mere spirit of 
revenge, by a reckless purpose of inflicting an indignity 
upon a hostile nation, would not comport with the prac- 
tical judgment and good sense, which, more than passion 
or a love of military glory, usually characterize the plans 
and orders of the British Government. Subsequent 
events will afford the key of this expedition, and show 
that the attacks upon Washington and Baltimore were 
mere diversions — blinds for a more important and 
apparently more practicable design. 

James, in his naval history of Great Britain, says : "In 
our account of the unfortunate demonstration before 
the city of Baltimore, we mentioned as one cause of the 
abandonment of the enterprise and the tepidness with 
which it had been conducted, an ulterior object in the 



88 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

view of the Naval Commander-in-Chief. That ulterior 
object was the city of New Orleans, the capital of the 
State of Louisiana."* Confirmatory of this view, we 
may mention the fact, that the force which left Plymouth 
on the 18th of September, under General Keane, em- 
barked about the same time the British were retiring 
to the fleet from before Baltimore, for the same rendez- 
vous for which the squadron, having Brook's command 
on board, shaped its sails. 

The attack on Baltimore was no doubt prompted by 
the hope of capturing, in that port, a large number of 
small vessels, for which Sir Alexander Cochrane had 
great need in the execution of his " ulterior design." 
This effort was gallantly and effectively thwarted by the 
vigorous defence of North Point and Fort McHenry. 

The fleet with Brooks' army sailed out of the Chesa- 
peake on the 4th of October, 1814. Giving out that he 
was bound for Halifax, Sir Alexander Cochrane in the 
Tonnant, and with the greater part of the squadron, set 
sail in a northern direction. His real purpose was to 
effect a junction with the squadron, which was bearing 
Keane's command from England. Meantime, the ships 
having on board the army of the Chesapeake, proceeded 
in a Southern course towards Jamaica. 

This army was composed of very choice troops. 
There was the Fourth, or " King's Own," a very gal- 
lant and distinguished regiment; the Forty-fourth, 
which had borne itself with great steadiness in Egypt, 
and in some of the most trying scenes of the Peninsular 
War ; the Eighty -fifth, a light-infantry regiment, com- ( 
manded by one of the most distinguished light-infantry 

* James' Naval History of Great Britain, vol. 7, page 355, 



THE BRITISH REVIEW AND EMBARKATION. 89 

officers iii the British service, Col. Wm. Thornton, who 
won more laurels and received more wounds, in the 
British operations in the South than any other officer in 
the army, and who, at the time the army sailed out of 
the Chesapeake, was suffering from a severe wound 
received at the hattle of Blaclensburg. 

The Fourth, Forty-fourth, and Eighty-fifth, having 
passed through the Peninsular campaign, embarked at 
Bordeaux on the 2d of June, 1814, for America, and 
touching at Bermuda, were joined by the Twenty-first, 
the North. British Fusileers. These, with a battalion of 
marines and a strong body of artillerists and sappers and 
miners constituted the army, which Boss led against 
Washington and Baltimore, the remains of which sailed 
for the West Indies in the beginning of October, 1814. 

The squadron arrived safely at Jamaica, and not 
many days after, the troops were joined by those which 
had been sent from Plymouth. 

The tropical sun shone upon a brilliant and animated 
scene in the bay of Negril, in the island of Jamaica, on 
21th November, 1811. That was the day appointed for 
a general review of the troops and ships, which Great 
Britain had so mysteriously assembled in this remote 
quarter of the globe. It was a grand display of naval 
and military power. Two large squadrons had been 
combined — those of Cochrane and Malcolm. The bay 
was crowded with every description of sailing craft, 
from huge three-deckers to little pinnaces. Harely, if 
.ever, has Great Britain collected a braver or more 
powerful fleet. It was commanded, too, by chiefs, 
whose valor had built up for England those impregnable 
wooden walls which enabled her to defy the conqueror 
of Europe. An enumeration of this fleet will confirm 



90 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

our estimate of its strength, and serve to rescue from 
oblivion, one of the series of proofs of the great import- 
ance attached to the expedition, in which it was em- 
ployed, and of the gigantic preparations by which the 
British Ministry had nearly justified the confident boast 
of Castelreagh. 

The following are the names of the ships, the number 
of their guns, and their commanders, which rendezvoused 
at Kegril bay, under Sir Alexander Cochrane, on the 
24th November, 1814. 

Tonnant, 80 guns, Yice- Admiral Sir Alexander Coch- 
rane, Rear-Admiral Sir Edward Codrington, Captain 
Kerr ; Royal Oak, 74 guns, Rear- Admiral Malcolm, 
Captain Wroot ; Norge, 74 guns, Captain Dashford ; 
Bedford, 74 guns, Captain Walker ; Ramilies, 74 guns, 
Sir Thomas Hardy ; Asia, 74 guns, Captain Skeens ; 
Dictator, 56 guns, Captain Crofton ; Diomede, 50 guns, 
Captain Kippen ; Gorgon (s. s.), 44 guns, Captain R. B. 
Bowden ; Annide, 33 guns, Sir Thomas Trowbridge ; 
Seahorse, 35 guns, Captain James Alexander Gordon ; 
Belle Poule, 3S guns, Captain Baker ; Traave, 38 guns, 
Captain Money ; Wever, 38 guns, Captain Sullivan ; 
Alceste, 38 guns, Captain Lawrence ; Hydra, 38 guns, 
Captain Dezey ; Fox, 36 guns, Captain "VVillock ; Cad- 
mus, 36 guns, Captain Langford; Thames, 32 guns, 
Captain Hon. C. L. Irby ; Dover, 32 guns, Captain 
Rogers ; Bucephalus, 32 guns, Captain D'Aitli ; Calli- 
ope,^ guns, Captain Codd ; Anaconda, 16 guns, West- 
phall ; Borer, 14 guns, Raulins ; Manly, 14 guns, Loche; 
Meteor (bomb), 6 guns, Roberts ; Yolcano (bomb), 6 
guns, Price ; iEtna (bomb), 16 guns, Gardner ; Pigmy, 
schooner, 6 guns, Jackson ; Jane (cutter),. Speedwell, 
schooner. 



THE BRITISH REVIEW AND EMBARKATION. 91 

There were also the following transports : Norfolk, 
Golden Fleece, Thames, Diana, Woodman, Active, 
Cyrus, Elizabeth, Kali, Daniel "Woodrufie, and George. 
Such was the squadron which, by great diligence, Sir 
Alexander Cochrane had collected to desolate the shores 
of America. It consisted of at least fifty sail, carrying 
more than a thousand guns. The officers of the squad- 
rons were the very elite of the British navy. Associated 
with the silver-haired veterans, Yice- Admiral Cochrane, 
and Rear- Admiral Malcolm, were several officers who 
had achieved world-wide reputations. Among these 
was Sir Thomas Hardy, in whose arms Nelson died at 
Trafalgar, and to whom he addressed those remarkable 
words — " Kiss me, Hardy ; I die content ;" Sir Thomas 
Trowbridge, an officer who had displayed great ability 
and gallantry in many brilliant actions ; Captain (after- 
wards Sir) James Alexander Gordon, a cork-leg, sturdy 
sailor, who, with his famous frigate, the Sea-horse, is 
even now remembered with awe and terror on the banks 
of the Potomac, for his daring and skill. Rear- Admiral 
Codrington, then regarded as the most promising officer 
in the British navy, who, though in the meridian of life, 
had reached the high post of Rear- Admiral, and after- 
wards became famous as the commander of the allied 
fleet at Navarino — an affair too inglorious in its aims 
and motives to reflect any distinction upon those engaged 
in it. 

But as, after all, the chief duty and responsibility of 
the expedition devolved upon the army, we must en- 
deavor to be as exact as possible in the enumeration of 
its force. 

The following returns, as published in the English 
and Jamaica journals of the day, and, in some cases, 



92 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

obtained from the muster-rolls, exhibit in round numbers 
the strength of the British army in this enterprise. 
The army of the Chesapeake counted as follows : 

4th Regiment Foot, Colonel Brook, 600 

21st Royal North British Fusiliers, Lieut. Colonel Patterson, 800 

85th Buck Volunteers, Light Infantry, Col. Wm. Thornton, 600 

44th East Essex Foot, Lieut. Colonel Hon. Thos. Mullens, 600 

Artillery, Sappers and Miners, &c. 500 

Total, 3,100 

The reinforcements brought by Gen. Keane were as 
follows : 

93d Highlanders, Lieut. Colonel Dale, 1,000 

6 Companies of 95th Rifles, Major Mitchell, 600 

1st West India Regiment, Lieut. Colonel Whitby, 800 

5th West India Regiment, Lieut. Colonel Hamilton, 800 

14th Duchess of York's Light Dragoons, Colonel Baker, 390 

Artillery, Rocket Brigade, Sappers, Engineers, &c. 800 

* Total, 4,350 

Grand total of Keane's army, 7,450 

To this considerable force the squadron were able to 
contribute at least fifteen hundred marines and sailors, 
who could do good service on land. 

On the 2 6 th of November, 1814, the squadron, having 
on board this large and well-appointed army, sailed out 
of lSegril Bay, and directed its course towards the Gulf 
of Mexico. 

The news of the gathering of ships and troops at 
Negri 1 Bay had reached the United States shortly after 
the departure of the fleet. Its destination was generally 
believed to be the Gulf of Mexico. The intelligence 



THE BRITISH REVIEW AND EMBARKATION. 93 

furnished by Lafitte was the chief reliance for this belief. 
That the design had been kept very quiet and secret is 
satisfactorily shown by the brief period of time elapsing 
between the departure of Cochrane's squadron and the 
commencement of Gen. Jackson's defensive prepara- 
tions. AV hen Jackson reached New Orleans, the British 
fleet had completed half of the voyage to the Gulf 
coast, and only four days thereafter the Tonnant, the 
Yice Admiral's flag-ship, was reported off the coast of 
Florida. 

Never did a fleet and army proceed towards their 
destination with higher hopes and in better spirits than 
the British expedition for New Orleans. So confident 
were they of success that a full set of civil officers to 
conduct the government of the Territory accompanied 
the army. There was also a government editor and 
printing press, to expound the policy and publish the 
orders and proceedings of the new government. There 
were many merchant ships in the squadron, which had 
been chartered expressly to bear away the rich spoil 
that was expected to reward their capture and occupa- 
tion of the city. It was indeed regarded an expedition 
to occupy, rather than invade a defenceless country, as 
a pleasure party and speculative adventure more than a 
serious warlike enterprise. Hence the festivity and 
high-hearted jollity which enlivened the crowded decks 
of the British war vessels and transports, as they moved 
majestically over the calm water of the Gulf. 

Music, dancing, and even dramatic entertainments, 
aided by the wives of the officers, who in considerable 
numbers accompanied the expedition, varied the mo- 
notony of the voyage, whose termination was looked 
forward to as an appropriate conclusion of the prevail- 



94: JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

ing gaiety, as a grand national jubilee when the banner 
of old England would be planted on the soil which 
France, Spain, and the United States had been unable 
to hold and defend, and when her gallant soldiers, the 
hardy and scarred veterans of the Peninsula, might rest 
from their long fatigues and perils, and revel in the 
wealth, luxury, and abundance of the Queen City of 
" the sunny South." 

Among the fair participants in these festivities and 
hopes was the noble and accomplished lady of an officer 
commanding a veteran and distinguished regiment in 
the expedition, the Hon. Mrs. Mullens, who abandoned 
the luxuries and comforts of an aristocratic home to 
share the glory and trials of her husband. The object 
of such devotion will surely prove worthy of it, and 
bear his part nobly in the coming struggle. There, too, 
in that gay and hopeful crowd were the buxom daugh- 
ters, five in number, of one of the civil officials of the 
conquered colony, who had vacated a profitable office in 
Bermuda to try his fortunes in a new country, where 
his daughters might display their charms in a new 
sphere, in which females of the Saxon style of beauty 
and accomplishments were too rare not to be highly 
admired and appreciated. 

Such were some of the hopes of that gay and sanguine 
expedition. 



BATTLE OF LAKE EOKGNE. 95 



VL 



BATTLE OF LAKE BOKGNE. 



A fierce storm on trie 9th of December, 1814, greeted 
the first appearance of the British fleet off the coast of 
the Gulf of Mexico. To minds less buoyant and confi- 
dent, than those of the sanguine and hitherto irresistible 
veterans of that gallant array of naval and military 
power, this occurrence might have appeared as an evil 
augury. Soon, however, the storm lulled, the clouds 
passed quickly away, and the bright sun came forth to 
cheer the hearts of the crowded crews. A favorable 
wiud bears the squadron rapidly onward, in the direc- 
tion of -the entrance of Lake Borgne. The huge Ton- 
nant, the same which was captured at Abouquir in 
Nelson's great fight, after the gallant Dupetit Thouars 
had flooded her decks with his noble blood, flowing from 
a dozen wounds,* now commanded by the white-haired 
British Yice- Admiral, and the gallant Sea-horse, with 
her cork-legged Captain, lead the van. Behind follow 
the long train of every variety of sailing craft, from the 



* Lamartine has an appalling description of this tragedy, he says ; " Captain Dupe- 
til Thouars commanding the Tonnant never slackened his fire for a moment at sight 
of this disaster (the burning of L'Orient.) He no longer fought for glory or life, but 
for immortality. One arm carried off by a cannon shot, both legs broken by grape, he 
called upon his- crew to swear never to strike his flags and to throw his body overboard, 
that even his remains might not become captive to the British." 



96 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

great ships of war, with their frowning batteries, to the 
little trim sloops and schooners of fifteen' or twenty tons, 
designed to penetrate the bays and inlets of the coast. 
The pilots, who have accompanied the fleets from the 
West Indies, have announced that land is not far off, 
and all parties are on deck, eagerly straining their eyes 
for a view of the desired shore. There, in the distance, 
they soon discover a long, shining, white line, which 
sparkles in the sun like an island of fire. Presently it 
becomes more distinct and substantial, and the man at 
the look-out proclaims " land ahead." The leading 
ships approach as near as is prudent, and their crews, 
especially the land troops, experience no little disap- 
pointment at the bleak and forbidding aspect of Dau- 
phine island, with its long, sandy beach, its dreary, 
stunted pines, and the entire absence of any vestige of 
settlement or cultivation. Turning to the west, the fleet 
avoids the island, and proceeds towards a favorable an- 
chorage in the direction of the Chancleleur islands, the 
wind in the meantime having chopped around, and 
blowing too strong from the shore to justify an attempt 
to enter the lake at night. 

As the Tonnant and Sea-horse pass near to Dauphine 
Island, the attention of the Vice- Admiral is called to 
two small vessels, lying within the island, near the 
shore. They are neat little craft, sloop-rigged, and 
evidently armed. They appear to be watching the 
movements of the British ships, and when the latter take 
a western course, they weigh anchor and follow in the 
same direction. At night-fall the signal " to anchor" is 
made from the Tonnant, and the order is quickly obeyed 
by all the vessels in the squadron. 

The suspicious little sloops, as if in apprehension of a 



BATTLE OF LAKE BOBGNE. 97 

night attack of boats, tlien press all sail and proceed in 
the direction of Biloxi Bay. They prove to be the 
United States gun-boats !N"o. 23, Lieutenant McKeever, 
(now Commodore McKeever), No. 163, Sailing-Master 
Ulrick, which had been detached from the squadron of 
Lieutenant T. Ap Catesby Jones (now Commodore 
Jones), who had been sent by Commodore Patterson, 
with six gun-boats, one tender, and a dispatch-boat, to 
watch and report the approach of the British. In case 
their fleet succeeded in entering the lake, he was to be 
prepared to cut off their barges and prevent the landing 
of troops. If hard pressed by a superior force, his 
orders were to fall back upon a mud fort, the Petites 
Coquilles, near the mouth of the Bigolets, and shelter 
his vessels under its guns. 

The two boats which had attracted the notice of the 
British Yice- Admiral, joined the others of the squadron 
that night near Biloxi. The next clay, the 10th \ 
December, at dawn, as soon as the fog cleared off, Jones 
was amazed to observe the deep water between Ship and 
Cat Islands, where the current flows, crowded with ships 
and vessels of every calibre and description. The Ton- 
nant having anchored off the Chandeleurs, the Sea-horse 
was now the foremost ship. Jones immediately made 
for Pass Christian with his little fleet, where he anchor- 
ed, and quietly awaited the approach of the British 
vessels. . 

In compact and regular order, the fleet moved slowly 
through the passage between Cat and Ship Islands, and 
along the east coast of the former island, presenting, 
under a bright sun and cloudless sky, a most impressive 
marine panorama. Soon, however, the soundings warn- 
ed the British that they were getting into shallow water, 

5 



98 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

and the line-of-battle ships came to anchor. They were 
now, however, safe within American waters, in Lake 
Borgue ; and preparations were actively commenced to 
relieve the ships of the impatient and restless mass of 
belligerent mortality with which they were crowded. 
The troops were therefore embarked on the transports 
and smaller vessels. Before, however, the landing could 
be attempted, it was necessary to clear the lake of the 
agile and well-managed little boats, which hovered in 
their front, and appeared ready to pounce down on any 
smaller craft that might trust themselves too far from 
the shelter of the batteries of the ships of the line. 

Vice-Admiral Cochrane, who directed all the move- 
ments relating to the landing of the troops, proceeded 
to organize an expedition of barges to attack and destroy 
the gun-boats. The command of this enterprise was 
confided to Capt. Lockyer, who was presumed to be 
better acquainted with the coast than any other officer, 
and is the same person, with whom Lafitte had an inter- 
view on the second of September, 1814. Captain Lock- 
yer had also commanded one of the sloops in the attack 
of Fort Bowyer, and, no doubt, panted for an opportu- 
nity of wiping from the escutcheon of the British 2s"avy 
the disgrace of that defeat. All the launches, barges 
and pinnaces of the fleet were collected together. The 
barges had been made expressly for this expedition, and 
were nearly as large as Jones' gun-boats, each carrying 
eighty men. To these were added the gigs of the Ton- 
nant and Sea-horse. There were forty launches, mount- 
ing each one carronade 12, 18 or 24 calibre ; one launch, 
with one long brass pounder ; another with a brass nine- 
pounder ; and three gigs, with small arms. There were, 
therefore, in all, forty-five boats and forty-two cannon, 



BATTLE OF LAKE BORGNE. 99 

manned by a thousand sailors and marines, picked from 
the crews of the ships. 

Captain Lockyer was ably seconded in the organiza- 
tion and direction of this formidable fleet by his subor- 
dinates, Montressor, of the Manly, and Koberts, of the 
Meteor, both veteran and experienced officers. 

On the evening of the 12th the flotilla moved in beau- 
tiful order, from the anchorage of the squadron near 
Ship Island, in the direction of Pass Christian. It con- 
sisted of three divisions under the three officers named. 
Gallantly, and in perfect line, these divisions advanced 
along the white shores of the Mississippi territory for a 
distance of thirty-six miles, the boats being rowed by 
the hardy sailors, without resting. 

When morning broke on the 13th, the flotilla had 
arrived near the Bay of St. Louis, whither three of the 
barges were detached, to capture the small schooner 
Sea-horse, which Jones had sent into the bay, for the 
purpose of removing some stores deposited there. 

As soon as the barges came within range of her guns, 
the Sea-horse opened upon them a well-directed and 
effective fire. At the same time two six pounders, 
placed in battery on the shore, followed up the discharge 
of the Sea-horse, and striking the barges, wounded sev- 
eral of the men. The barges then drew off towards the 
main body of the flotilla, when, thinking they had retired 
for reinforcements, and apprehending a renewal of the 
attack by the whole force of Lockyer, the captain of 
the Sea-horse blew her up, and set fire to the stores on 
shore, which were entirely destroyed. 

But the British commander had no idea of diverting 
his energies from the serious task before him. The 



100 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

staunch little gun-boats lay just ahead in battle array, 
as if inviting rather than avoiding the combat. 

It is due, however, to Jones' reputation as a good 
officer, to add, that he had attempted to obey Patterson's 
order, and fall back to the fort at Petit Coquilles. In 
vain he tried to beat into theKigolets, against the strong 
current of that strait. Finally, his vessels were carried 
into the narrow channel between Malheureux Island 
and Point Clear on the main land. 

There they became unmanageable, several of the ves- 
sels sticking fast in the mud. Then Jones resolved to 
bide the issue of a fight. 

At daylight on the 14th, the flotilla could be seen at 
anchor nine miles off. The men were refreshing them- 
selves after their severe rowing. Jones called aboard 
of his flag-ship, a little sloop of eighty tons, all the offi- 
cers of his Lilliputian squadron, and addressing them in 
the style of a blunt, sturdy sailor, gave them their seve- 
ral commands, and prepared for a vigorous resistance. 
His officers were all young men, full of courage, vigor, 
and activity. His orders were to form with their boats 
a close line abreast across the channel, anchored by the 
stern, with springs on their cables. At a given signal 
they were to open upon the enemy with their long guns, 
and when the barges closed upon them, they were to 
ply their musketry with all their activity. 

The squadron consisted of the following gun-boats : 
iSo. 5, with live guns and thirty -six men, commanded 
by sailing-master, John D. Ferris ; gun-boat !No. 23, 
with five guns and thirty-nine men, under Lieutenant 
(now commodore) Isaac McKeever ; gun-boat, ISTo. 156, 
with five guns and forty-one men, under Lieutenant 



BATTLE OF LAKE BOKGNE. 101 

commanding T. Ap Catesby Jones; gim-boat E"o. 162, 
with five guns and thirty-five men, under Lieutenant 
Robert Spedden; gun-boat ISTo. 163, with three guns 
and thirty-one men, under Sailing-Master Ulrick — total, 
five gun-boats, twenty-three guns, and one hundred and 
eighty-two men. This was certainly a small force to 
repel the powerful flotilla which was bearing down upon 
them. 

The morning was bright, cool and bracing. There 
was not a breath of air to stir the surface of the placid 
lake. The men in the British flotilla took their break- 
fast as gaily and pleasantly as if it were a sportive occa- 
sion, and then stood to their arms. The flotilla ap- 
proached with all the precision of soldiers in line ; 
Jones' gunners fixed their eyes steadily upon the im- 
posing array of bristling barges, measuring coolly the 
distance, in order to ascertain when they might come in 
range of their long guns. Just as the Americans are 
about to level their pieces, the flotilla comes to a grap- 
nel, and appears to be deliberating on the expediency 
of attacking so determined a little squadron. A division 
of the barges is now detached from the main line of the 
flotilla, and bears towards the west. The object of this 
movement is understood in Jones' fleet, when a* little 
white speck is discerned in the distance, which soon 
assumes the shape of a small fishing-smack. This proves 
to be the Alligator, a little tender, armed with a four- 
pounder and eight men, under sailing-master, Richard 
S. Sheppard. 

The Alligator was making every effort to join Jones' 
squadron, to take part in the approaching combat, but 
the wind had lulled and she could make no progress. 



102 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Lockyer detached four boats, with nearly two hundred 
men, under Captain Boberts, to capture this formidable 
ship-of-ioar, with her eight sailors and toy-gun. It is 
due to the British Navy to state that they succeeded in 
effecting this object without much loss. Roberts re- 
turned to the flotilla in triumph with his splendid prize, 
and was received with three loud cheers. The stout 
sailor could not; however, suppress a smile when he 
boarded his capture, and ascertained her force and 
metal. Perhaps, under all the circumstances, Captain 
Lockyer may be excused for the slight exaggeration, in 
his description of this little cockle-shell " as an armed 
sloop." But it is due to history to state, that this high- 
sounding designation has been conferred on Commodore 
Porter's old gig ! 

Somewhat animated by this little achievement, Lock- 
yer ordered his men to refresh themselves with a hearty 
meal, adding an extra allowance of Jamaica rum, to 
increase their appetite for the feast and the fray which 
was to follow. At half-past ten the flotilla weighed 
anchor, and bore down upon Jones' squadron in open 
order, forming a line abreast, extending nearly from the 
main land to the Malheureux Island. The appearance 
of the flotilla, as the barges with unbroken front swept 
rapidly and boldly forward — the six oars on each side 
dipping in the water with the regularity of clock-work, 
and glittering in the sunbeams as they rose and fell — the 
red shirts of the sailors, the shining muskets of the ma- 
rines, and the formidable carronades which protruded so 
threateningly from the bows of the barges, constituted 
an impressive spectacle, one well calculated to try the 
nerves of that heroic band which stood on the decks of 



BATTLE OF LAKE BORGNE. 103 

those little sloops, with lighted matches and muskets 
cocked, ready to meet quadruple their numbers in deadly 
combat. 

So calm and quiet was the aspect of Jones' fleet, that 
the British believed they were about to surrender with- 
out essaying so vain a resistance against an overpowering- 
force. But they were soon aroused from this delusion 
by the booming of McKeever's thirty-two pounder, and 
a shower of grape-shot that carried destruction among 
the flotilla, and seriously disturbed their line. With 
amazing rapidity this gun continued her fire, and pres- 
ently the other guns of Jones' fleet joined in. The 
barges, though evidently crippled and damaged by this 
heavy fire, pushed steadily forward, and began a lively 
response with their carronades. A brisk firing was con- 
tinued for some time ; but Lockyer soon perceived that 
in such a contest the gun-boats had the advantage, and, 
accordingly, he ordered the barges to close in and board. 

Owing to the force of the current and the unmanage- 
able state of the boats, Jones' and Ulrick's vessels (156 
and 163) had been borne out of line one hundred yards 
in advance of the others — Jones' boat was a little ahead. 
Captain Lockyer seeing this, determined to attack the 
boats in detail. Breaking his flotilla into three divisions, 
he pressed forward with the advance, composed of four 
barges and two gigs, against the flag-boat. He was met 
by a most destructive volley of grape and musketry. 
Every shot appeared to take effect. Two of the barges 
were capsized, and the men were barely saved from 
drowning by clinging to their sides until others could 
come up and rescue them. Nearly all the men on board 
these barges were killed or wounded. Undismayed by 
this awful scene of destruction, four other barges pushed 



104 JACKSON AND NEW OELEANS. 

forward and renewed the attack, and getting near Jones' 
boat, poured upon her decks an incessant fire of mus- 
ketry. 

Jones, standing on tlie deck exposed to this fire, deter- 
mined to sell his life as dearly as possible, and singling 
out the officer who in the captain's gig appeared to be 
the most active in inciting the British sailors and marines 
discharged his pistol at him, and the Briton fell mortally 
wounded in the arms of the sailors. This officer was 
Lieutenant Pratt, the first of the Sea-horse, the same 
who under the orders of Admiral Cockburn, burnt the 
Capitol and other buildings, at Washington, in the 
summer of 1814. 

The British sought immediate revenge for the fall of 
their gallant young officer, and a dozen muskets were 
brought to bear upon Jones at once, several balls passed 
through his clothes and cap, — but one struck him in 
the shoulder, where it has remained ever since. 

The wound was so painful that he could not stand up 
under it, and he was dragged below by his men, crying 
out, however, to Parker, his second in command, " Keep 
up the fight, keep up the fight, keep up the fight." 
Parker shouted, " Aye ! aye !" but the words had hardly 
escaped his lips, when he was shot down, and the Brit- 
ish now closing upon the little boat, clambered up her 
sides, and appeared on her deck in such overwhelming 
force as to render further resistance vain. In accom- 
plishing this feat, however, they had suffered most griev- 
ously. Lockyer had received three wounds, all severe ; 
and poor Lieutenant George Pratt, was fairly riddled 
with balls, yet he continued to fight to the last. The 
fighting on No. 15G was now over; but, strange to say, 
the stars and stripes still continued to wave at her mast- 



BATTLE OF LAKE BOKGXE. 105 

head, and so remained until the fighting was over in the 
other boats. Perhaps, considering the heavy loss they 
had sustained for so small a capture, the British did not 
think they were entitled to lower the American flag. 
Indeed, their commander was too sorely wounded, and 
in too great j>ain, to think of any further action after he 
had gained the decks of the flag-boat, upon reaching 
which he fainted from loss of blood, and was taken be- 
low and laid by the side of his gallant antagonist. 

Meantime, the guns of Jones' boats were turned upon 
the others, under the direction of Lieutenant Tatnall, a 
gallant and enterprising officer — the same who had been 
captured by the French in a bloody naval contest a few 
years before — who, escaping from a French prison in 
the guise of a monk, reached the sea-shore of France, 
and, in a small open boat, joined the* English fleet in 
the channel. 

At the same time, Captain Montressor, with his divi- 
sion of barges, closed upon Ulrick's boat. They w r ere 
held at bay for some time, but being reinforced by the 
other division under Roberts, soon succeeded in over- 
powering the little vessel. The guns of these two boats 
were then concentrated upon the other gun-boats, and 
particularly upon the nearest one, under Lieutenant 
Robert Spedden; but that gallant young officer un- 
daunted by the disasters, which had overtaken his com- 
panions, returned this fire with an alacrity and vigor, 
which drove the barges to take shelter behind the two 
boats that had been captured. Here, combining and 
arranging their forces into one powerful division,. Mon- 
tressor and Roberts again threw themselves upon Sped- 
den's little craft, with more than a dozen barges, filled 
with several hundred sailors and marines. Though sur- 

5* 



106 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

rounded, the little gun -boat did not yield, but showered 
her iron hail upon the crowded barges with most des- 
tructive vigor. A grape-shot had shattered Spedden's 
left arm at the elbow. Regardless of his wounds, the 
brave young sailor held his post, giving orders to his 
men, and cheering them with his words, and with a 
countenance in which gallantry and heroism conquered 
the agony of a painful wound. Occupying an exposed 
and conspicuous position on the deck of the boat, Spedden 
became the target of the British marines for their mus- 
ket exercise. He noted particularly one fellow in the 
bow of the nearest barge, aiming at him with the cool- 
ness and precision of a sportsman shooting a pigeon. 
He was a good marksman, and lodged a musket-ball in 
Spedden's shoulder which deprived him of the use of 
his right arm. 

He was thus left without the use of either arm. Muti- 
lated and covered with blood, — his men rapidly falling 
around him (the other boats being in the hands of the 
enemy), this gallant young man did not yield until, 
overpowered by numbers, he was forced below by the 
British, who rushed upon deck and took possession of 
the boat. The guns of the captured boats were next 
turned upon Ferris's boat, No. 5, with such effect as to 
dismount her most effective weapon, a twenty-four 
pounder; and, after this, the barges encountered but 
little difficulty in boarding and capturing her. Mean- 
time, McKeever, on No. 23, kept up a brisk lire on the 
barges with his thirty-two pounders. But the guns of 
the other boats were all turned upon him, and further 
resistance became vain — so he surrendered at half-past 
twelve p.m. 

Thus closed this very remarkable and gallant action. 



BATTLE OF LAKE EOEGNE. 107 

It was maintained by both parties for three hours, with 
great courage and activity. Both did their duty faith- 
fully. The British, though numerically and in metal 
vastly superior to the Americans, were in open boats, 
exposed to a heavy fire for some time, without the abil- 
ity to return it with effect. They certainly displayed 
great gallantry and determination in advancing against 
such a fire as Jones opened upon them. But the 
Americans, too, labored under great disadvantages. 
Owing to the state of the tide and wind, Jones's boat 
having become detached from the others, the British 
were able to concentrate upon it a powerful force, and 
its capture rendered that of the others inevitable. The 
gun-boats could thus be attacked in detail. It w T as, 
therefore, really, when the close fighting commenced, 
a combat between one or two gun-boats of ten guns and 
less than a hundred men, and some twenty -five or thirty 
barges, with more than six hundred men. The other 
boats, in the meantime, could not take part in the fight 
when the barges closed upon their companions, as they 
could not use their guns. Having captured two of the 
gun-boats, the British could turn their own guns on the 
remaining ones, which lay entirely at their mercy. 

The results will show how severe and gallant an ac- 
tion it was. The Americans lost, in killed and wounded, 
about one- third their number. Among the wounded 
were Jones, Spedden, McKeever and Parker. The 
British loss was much more severe. Thirteen British 
ships of war were represented in the ghastly heap of 
killed and wounded that were strewn upon the decks of 
the gun-boats, after this severe action. Of these, three 
midshipmen, thirteen seamen, and one marine were 
reported deacl ; and one captain, four lieutenants, one 



108 . JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

lieutenant of marines, three master-mates, seven mid- 
shipmen, fifty seamen, and eleven marines were wound- 
ed. Many of the wounded died before they got to the 
squadron, and not a few were killed and wounded who 
did not figure in the returns. 

It would not be extravagant to estimate the number 
of those in the British flotilla, placed hors de combat 
in this action, as fully equal to the whole number of 
Americans engaged. Of the officers, Captain Lockyer 
was very badly wounded in several places — not, as has 
been frequently stated, in a hand-to-hand fight, on the 
deck of Jones' flag-boat, but in attempting to bring his 
barge alongside. Lieutenant George Pratt, second of 
the frigate Sea-horse, who was in the same boat with 
Lockyer, was shot down by his side several times, in 
attempting to board the gun-boat. Lieutenant Tatnall, 
of the Tonnant, had his boat sunk, and, rescuing him- 
self and his men, succeeded in getting into another 
barge. Lieutenant Roberts, also of the Tonnant, was 
wounded in closing with the gun-boats. Besides these, 
there were ten midshipmen killed and wounded. These 
results show that the victory of the British was a costly 
one. There was not much rejoicing and exultation over 
it. The groans and cries of the wounded were the pre- 
valent notes in that melancholy squadron, as it returned 
to the anchorage of the British fleet. 

And yet their victory was one of great value and im- 
portance. It not only cleared the Lake of all enemies, 
but supplied Sir Alexander Cochrane, with a very im- 
portant addition to his fleet of smaller vessels, so much 
needed in effecting a landing of the army. It was late 
in the afternoon when the barges and srun-boats returned 
to Ship Island. On their appearance they were loudly 



BATTfflE OF LAKE BORGNE. 109 

cheered by the sailors and soldiers on the ships ; but 
they were too much wearied and oppressed by the sever- 
ity of their loss, to give more than a feeble and faint 
response. It was more like a wail than a cheer. The 
wounded were removed to a large store-ship, the Gor- 
gon, where the Americans were attended by the same 
surgeons who ministered to the British. Jones and Sped- 
den being very severely wounded, were confined in the 
cabin for many weary days. Though all that skill and 
kindness could accomplish was done for them, their con- 
dition was one of nervous anxiety and painful apprehen- 
sion for the fate of the city, for whose defence they had 
so gallantly fought. From the port-holes of the hospital 
ship they could perceive the movements going on in the 
fleet around them, the arrival and dispatch of troops, 
the hum and buzz of preparations for the disembark- 
ation. The agony of their wounds was dreadfully in- 
creased by the reflection that the city had no means of 
defence — that it must inevitably fall into the hands of 
their powerful foe. They had not heard of the arrival 
of any troops there. Jackson had not reached the city 
when their little fleet left the port to watch the entrance 
of the Lake. Nothing, it seemed to them, but a miracle 
could save New Orleans. 

The officers of the British fleet' were kind and con- 
siderate to their unfortunate and gallant foes, but even 
they could not conceal their exultation, their confidence 
in the complete success of the expedition, and of the 
measures referring to their comfort and enjoyment, 
which were to follow that event. 

Among other incidents, illustrative of the confidence 
of the British, and full of painful interest to the wounded 
prisoners, was the introduction to them of the future 



110 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

collector of the revenue of his Britannic Majesty in the 
Port of New Orleans, in the person of a tall and gentle- 
manly individual, who conversed freely with the Amer- 
icans respecting his future arrangements for the dis- 
charge of his duties. How these painful feelings of the 
young American sailors fluctuated and varied with 
every indication of the occurrences, which, unknown to 
them, were transpiring on the main land — how eagerly 
they hearkened to the distant roar of artillery, kept up 
continuously for fourteen days — with what agonizing 
suspense they observed boats returning to the fleet with 
wounded men, and reloading with fresh recruits from 
the ships, including the greater part even of the com- 
mon sailors, and with large cannon taken from the decks 
of the ships of war — how they were struck with the 
silent and changed expression of the British officers, 
who gave their orders in sharp, angry, anxious tones ; 
and how, at last, their pains grew lighter, their wounds 
were forgotten, the groans and dying sighs of those 
around them were unheeded, when the gloomy portents 
and signs in the English fleet began to proclaim more 
emphatically than words could, the astounding and glo- 
rious result ; and how, despite wounds, debility, and the 
presence of their enemies, these gallant sailors could 
not, even in that awful place, surrounded by the dead 
and dying, suppress the involuntary cheer of joyful 
exultation over these proofs of the triumph of American 
valor ; and how, then, with a smile on his face, the gal- 
lant Spedden submitted cheerfully to the terrible opera- 
tion of amputation of his arm ; and the heroic Jones 
could regard with pride, rather than sorrow, the mutila- 
tion of the same member, are transitions, whose intensity 
can be better imagined than described, which have been 



THE BATTLE OF LAKE BOEGNE. Ill 

rarely equalled in dramatic effect, by any of the realities 
of history, or the creations of poetry. 

As soon as intelligence of the capture of the gallant 
tars was received in New Orleans, Mr. Shields, a purser 
in the Navy, and Dr. Morrell, were dispatched by Com- 
modore Patterson, with a flag of truce to the British 
fleet at Cat Island, for the purpose of affording to the 
wounded prisoners such comforts and necessaries as their 
situation might demand. On their arrival oft" Cat 
Island, they were received by Vice- Admiral Cochrane, 
and were told that their visit was a very inopportune 
one, and he should be compelled to detain them. They 
protested against such conduct, as contrary to the laws 
of nations ; as they came under a flag of truce, and 
merely to relieve the sufferings of their unfortunate 
iellow-citizens, who had been wounded. Their protest 
was disregarded, and they were assigned a room in the 
cabin of the flag-ship, where they were closely guarded. 
Suspecting from the interrogatories of the British Com- 
mander, that every word which fell from them would be 
eagerly caught up and reported to the Y ice-Admiral, 
Shields and Morrell in their conversations never failed 
to dwell on the powerful force which Jackson had col- 
lected to defend the city, or the myriads of Western 
riflemen that were flocking to his standard, and the 
severe chastisement which awaited the British, if they 
dared to advance upon the city. These artful statements 
produced the desired effect on the minds of the British 
commanders, and contributed to that deliberation and 
slowness of movement which marked their subsequent 
course. 

The capture of the gun-boats gave the British com- 
mand of the lake, and enabled them to land at any 



112 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

point they desired, without the fear of disturbance, or 
even detection. 

The troops were now all moved forward through Pass 
Christian, in the smaller transports and vessels until they 
arrived at that bleak and desolate Island, one of the 
Malheureux, called He des Poix, lying at the mouth of 
Pearl River. Save a very scant vegetation, which grows 
around the lake or pond in the centre of this island, it 
consists of little more than a circle of white sand. Here 
the British succeeded in effecting a landing on the 16th 
of December. "Without tents or any shelter, the condi- 
tion of the troops was exceedingly uncomfortable, espe- 
cially when a heavy rain came on and threatened the 
submersion of the whole island. Then a severe frost 
followed, freezing the wet clothes on the bodies of the 
men and causing many deaths, especially among the 
black troops, brought from the West Indies. From the 
16th to the 20th the boats were actively employed in 
landing the troops. On the 20th, General Keane re- 
viewed his army. It was a bright, frosty morning, and 
though the men were greatly fatigued by their incessant 
labors, exposure and deprivations, their appearance, 
drawn up on that lonely and desolate beach, was quite 
formidable and impressive. Despite their trials, the 
soldiers preserved their health and vigor to a remarkable 
degree. Their gallant young General, with his hand- 
some, genial countenance, and noble bearing, inspired 
all around him with hope, confidence and energy. 

He immediately entered upon the formation of his 
army. The Light Brigade, which had been so effective 
in the operations on the Chesapeake coast, was broken 
up, and in its place three battalions were formed into 
an advanced guard. These battalions were the 4th, the 



THE BATTLE OF LAKE EOEGNE. 113 

85th, and 95th, all tried Peninsular troops, the two first 
of which had been engaged in the attacks on Washing- 
ton and Baltimore. Attached to this corps were a party 
of rocket men, two light three-pounders, with a few 
light artillerists. The advance was placed under the 
command of Colonel Thornton of the 85th, the most ac- 
tive and enterprising officer in the division, who was 
presumed to be familiar with the habits and modes of 
fighting of the Americans, having scarcely yet recov- 
ered from a bad wound received at the battle of Bladens- 
burg. The rest of the troops were arranged into two 
brigades. The first, composed of the 21st Fusileers and 
one black regiment, was entrusted to Colonel Brook of 
the 1th, who had succeeded General Ross, in the opera- 
tions against Baltimore, in the command of the army of 
the Chesapeake, and the second under Colonel Hamil- 
ton, of the 7th West India regiment, consisted of the 
93d Highlanders and the other black corps. The 11th 
Dragoons, about 300 in number, were attached to the 
general, as an escort, for special duty. Having thus dis- 
posed of his army, Keane hastened his preparations to 
effect a landing. 

In a consultation with certain Spaniards, formerly 
residents of New Orleans, and with some fishermen, who 
were familiar with the coast, Sir Alexander Cochrane 
had ascertained that about fifty miles clue west from 
Pea Island there was a bayou, which approached within 
a few miles of New Orleans, and was navigable for 
barges of a large size. This was the Bayou Bienvenu. 
It was formerly called the St. Francis River, and is an 
important stream, being the principal drain of the basin 
below the Bayou St. John. Commencing behind the 
Faubourg Marigny, it flows southeasterly, receiving the 



114: JACKSON AND NEW OELEANS. 

waters of several other bayous and of numerous canals. 
It is navigable for vessels of one hundred tons, as far as 
Pienas Canal, twelve miles from its mouth. Its width 
is one hundred and ten yards. Its principal branch 
is Bayou Mazent, which receives the waters from the 
plantations below the city. This bayou, like all the 
scenery of the events which we narrate, remains now 
but little changed since 1814. Though presenting great 
advantages for commerce, it has not been much used 
for this purpose, and is chiefly resorted to by fishermen 
and hunters. 

To satisfy himself of the feasibility of approaching the 
city, through this stream, Sir Alexander Cochrane dis- 
patched a boat, in the charge of the Hon. Captain Spencer 
of the Carron, son of the Earl of Spencer, and Lieute- 
nant Peddie of the Quartermaster's Department. They 
arrived safely at the Fishermen's Tillage, a collection of 
miserable huts on the left bank of the bayou, inhabited 
by certain Spaniards and Portuguese, who supported 
themselves by sending fish through the canal to the city 
for sale. These men had been bought over by the Brit- 
ish, and were engaged in bringing them information of 
the state of affairs in the city. 

On the 20th of December, Spencer and Peddie ar- 
rived at the village, and, procuring a pirogue, employed 
two of the fishermen to row them up the bayou. Dis- 
guised in the blue shirts and old tarpaulins of the fisher- 
men, these officers succeeded in passing up the bayou 
and through Tillere's Canal, from the head of which, 
they walked to the banks of the Mississippi, and after 
slaking their thirst with draughts of the cool and sweet 
water of " the Big Drink," they proceeded to survey the 
country around, and to gather such information as was 



BATTLE OF LAKE BOKGNE. 115 

obtainable from the negro slaves, whom they encounter- 
ed. They were not entirely unobserved, and indeed 
narrowly escaped detection and arrest. Having accom- 
plished their object, these officers returned to He cles 
Poix, and reported that the proposed route was quite 
practicable. 



116 JACKSON AND NEW OELEANS. 



YII. 



THE BEITISH LANDLNG AND BIVOUAC. 

Whilst encamped on Pea Island, Gen. Keane was 
persuaded to send an embassy to the formidable tribe 
of Choctaws, who hovered around Apalachicola, Florida, 
where they were supported and protected by the Span- 
iards, with a view of rendering them hostile and annoy- 
ing to the United States. Nichols, whose intrigues 
with the Indians have already been referred to, was 
placed at the head of this embassy. To give the mis- 
sion eclat, and produce a favorable impression on the 
untutored savages, some of the most stalwart and com- 
manding looking officers of the army were selected to 
accompany Nichols. Dressed in full uniform, and pre- 
ceded by a trumpeter, who made the forests ring with 
his blasts, frightening the poor savages in their lairs, the 
embassy made its appearance in the Choctaw village, 
bearing a friendly flag, with outstretched hands, and 
every demonstration of cordial amity. A talk was held. 
The wary Choctaw was more than a match for the en- 
lightened Briton. The chiefs greatly admired the gay 
uniforms, the large cocked hats and nodding plumes, 
the golden epaulets and highly-finished swords and scab- 
bards of their new friends. They examined with curi- 






THE BEITISH LAOT)EtfG> AJXD BIVOUAC. 117 

osity, and with frequent grunts, the symbols and quar- 
terings on a stand of colors. 

But amid all their admiration and awe for their friends 
from across the " Big Lake," they did not forget the 
remorseless energy and ferocity of "Sharp Knife," 
which were written in such bloody characters on the 
memories of the aboriginal tribes at Emuckfaw and 
Tchopeka. Their respect for and confidence in the 
British had been somewhat weakened by the inglorious 
defeat before Fort Bowyer. Hence they were timid, 
cautious, and wily. The British plied them with rum. 
They got drunk, as Choctaws always have done since 
their knowledge of alcohol, and as they ever will do, 
until the last of the tribe, now nearly extinct, shall dis- 
appear before the greatest of the foes of the poor Indian, 
and of too many of his pale-faced enemies. All that the 
British could obtain from the Choctaws was a pledge to 
aid their army, which pledge would be kept as long as 
the supply of rum was continued. As hostages of their 
good faith, two of the chiefs consented to accompany 
the mission back to the camp. 

This was certainly a small result of so imposing an 
embassy, though it must be confessed that the warriors 
in their scarlet jackets and old-fashioned steel-clasped 
cocked hats, with heavy shoes and no other covering for 
their legs than a girdle, tied around their loins, with 
their tomahawks and scalping knives stuck in their em- 
broidered and bead-figured buckskin belts, their long 
hair braided and bound up with pieces of burnished 
metal, and decorated with plumes, purchased from the 
Spaniards, presented quite a novel and startling appear- 
ance among the neat and trim soldiers in the camp on 
Pea Island. Their candor was quite as novel and 



118 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

refreshing as the simplicity of their taste and attire. 
They assured the British that they would join them, 
because they believed that they were stronger than the 
Americans, and they expected to get " rum plenty " 
when New Orleans was taken. 

Such confessions might have provoked in the minds 
of the more conscientious of the British army, the in- 
quiry whether their motives were a whit more honor- 
able, whilst their candor was not so open and explicit 
as that of these simple children of the forest. Certainly 
the conduct of these poor Indians will be viewed with 
indulgence and forgiveness, when contrasted with that 
of other parties who visited the British camp. These 
were deserters, traitors and refugees from New Orleans, 
who left the city in full confidence that it would not and 
could not be defended. They represented that Jackson 
was an ignorant militia general, a tyrant, who was 
detested by the inhabitants, and who had no means of 
defending the city. In justice to Louisiana, be it said 
that these individuals were ex-officials of the old Spanish 
Government in Louisiana and Florida, who had never 
acquiesced in the transfer of the country to the United 
States, and were deluded with the hope of regaining the 
lost provinces, and by the interposition of their power- 
ful allies, the British, restoring Spanish rule in this fine 
country. No American name can be found in the list 
of these refugees, nor despite the gross errors and false- 
hoods which have crept into the histories of these trans- 
actions, can any such base conduct be traced to a single 
citizen of New Orleans, or French Creole of Louisiana. 

The representations of these persons produced the 
most joyful enthusiasm and confidence in Keane's army. 
Officers and men were all impatient to land and hurry 



THE BRITISH LANDING AND BIVOUAC. 119 

up to the city, where they would terminate their troubles 
and fatigues, and console themselves with untold wealth 
and unrestrained enjoyment. With cheerful alacrity 
they entered upon the preparations for the landing. All 
the launches and boats in the squadron were collected 
in front of the island. All the tenders and small craft, 
many of which had done good service in the Chesa- 
peake, under that ruthless and indefatigable Yandal, 
Rear- Admiral Cockburn, were also held in requisition. 
A few of the launches were armed with carronades in 
the bows. The gun-boats taken from the Americans 
were also pressed into service. After all these exertions 
and preparations, it was discovered that there were only 
boats enough to transport one- third of the army. 
Keane's impatience would brook no further delay. .He 
knew that every hour would add to the strength of his 
antagonist ; so he determined to push forward with one- 
third of the army, and take a position on the main land. 

Accordingly, at nine o'clock on the 22d of December, 
the advance of the army, under Lieutenant Colonel 
William Thornton, entered the boats. The advance 
consisted of eighteen hundred men. It was accompa- 
nied by General Keane and staff, by the Chiefs of the 
Engineers and of the Commissariat Department, and by 
the Choctaw Chiefs, and two of the " Traitors," of the 
Fisherman's Village. The morning was dark, chilly, 
and cloudy. But no " skyey influence " could damp 
the ardor of the excited and enthusiastic Britons, intent 
on so grand a design, the conquest of so rich a city. 

At a signal from the indefatigable and almost omni- 
present Sir Alexander Cochrane, the boats pushed boldly 
off, the sturdy sailors pulled vigorously at the oars, and 
the flotilla glided rapidly over the smooth surface of the 



120 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

lake. It was soon discovered by the soldiers that their 
voyage was not to be a pleasant one. They were 
crowded together so closely that they could not change 
their positions or stretch their limbs. To add to their 
disco in tort, the clouds blackened and soon burst into a 
terrific rain, which drenched the men to the skin. But 
there was no pause. The flotilla pushed on in perfect 
order, as gallantly as if all around were bright and com- 
fortable. Not a sound was heard during the whole voy- 
age, save the splash of the oars and a few half- whispered 
orders of the naval officers who were conducting the 
flotilla. The boats moved in sections ten abreast. Two 
light cutters led the van, a little ahead of the first sec- 
tion. A like number protected the flanks, and three 
others covered the rear of the flotilla. All the precision 
and regularity of an advance in presence of an enemy, 
were observed by the cautious veteran, who directed the 
whole movement. Each division of boats had its ap- 
pointed commander, who in a light gig flew backward 
and forward, as occasion required, whilst the veteran 
Yice- Admiral, in a small schooner, kej)t just far enough 
off to see at a glance everything that transpired in the 
flotilla, and prevent any confusion or disarrangement of 
his plan of debarkation. The flotilla, moving with such 
mechanical precision and order, was a striking illustra- 
tion of the efficiency of the British navy. Though ex- 
posed to so many discomforts, the soldiers could not but 
regard the spectacle with elation and pride. 

Finally, towards the afternoon, the rain ceased, the 
clouds cleared off, and a cold, biting wind blew up. 
The men in their wet clothes, with their feet resting in 
the pools of water in the bottoms of the boats, required 
all their fortitude and philosophy to preserve their man- 



THE BRITISH LANDING AND BIVOUAC. 121 

hood under the discomforts of their positions. To afford 
some relief and rest, the order at last passed along the 
lines to cease rowing and come to a grapnel. It was 
cheerfully obeyed by the nearly exhausted sailors. Fires 
of charcoal in tin pans were then kindled, with which 
the soldiers sought to warm their benumbed limbs. 
The shades of evening were gathering around them, 
when an hour having been allowed for rest, the boats 
were ordered to get under way. 

The "flotilla was again in motion. The sailors were 
kept steadily at their oars all night. Just as the coming 
day, destined to be a memorable one in the history of 
Louisiana, began to prelude its march with a few dim 
streaks on the distant Mississippi shore, the low, dark, 
flat coast of Louisiana loomed up before the advanced 
boats. As they approached nearer, the repulsive fea- 
tures of the coast became manifest. There was nothing 
to be seen but a wide, flat expanse of swamp, covered 
with reeds. HSTot a vestige of human settlement or cul- 
tivation was perceptible. Save a few melancholy cranes 
and frightened gulls, no living object could be discerned 
in the whole landscape. And this was Louisiana — El 
Dorado of the Peninsular warriors ! 

Wheeling clown the coast in a southern direction, the 
flotilla proceeded in search of the mouth of the bayou 
through which the boats were to pass. They reached it 
in safety about daybreak, without encountering a single 
enemy. Never was an invading army more favored by 
secrecy. Keane was now within twelve miles of Jack- 
son's headquarters, and no one in New Orleans had the 
slightest suspicion of his approach. It was a complete 
surprise, which only required rapidity, boldness, and 
energy, to be converted into an overwhelming victory. 

6 



122 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Let it not be imagined that this success of the British 
was due to any want of vigilance or care on the part of 
Jackson. The bayou Bienvenu had early attracted 
Jackson's attention, and Major Yillere, whose father's 
plantation was situated at the head of the bayou, had 
been ordered to send a picket to the Fisherman's Village, 
to watch the entrance of this inlet. 

The picket consisted of a sergeant, eight white men, 
and three mulattoes. Closely following the tracks of 
Spencer and Peddie on their return to the British camp, 
they arrived at the village on the night of the 21st, and 
found there but one man, who pretended to be sick ; the 
other inhabitants, under pretence of fishing, had gone 
to the British camp to hire their boats and their labor to 
the British, to aid the debarkation. 

The detachment occupied the huts of the fishermen. 
Sentinels were posted, an<J boats sent out to reconnoitre 
in various directions. There is too much reason, how- 
ever, to apprehend that the vigilance of these sentinels, 
and their dispositions, were not such as might have been 
expected from regular soldiers. Instead of housing 
themselves in the village, which was a quarter of a mile 
from the mouth of the bayou, they should have been 
stationed on the lake-shore to watch out for the enemy. 
Nothing occurred to attract the notice of this picket, 
until about midnight on the 22d, when the sentinel on 
duty in the village called his comrade, and informed 
him that some boats were coming up the bayou. It was 
no false alarm. These boats composed the advanced 
party of the British, which had been sent forward from 
the main body of the flotilla, under Captain Spencer, to 
reconnoitre and secure the village. 

The Americans, perceiving the hopelessness of defend- 



THE BRITISH LANDING AND BIVOUAC. 123 

ing themselves against so superior a force, retired for 
concealment behind the cabin, where they remained 
until the barges had passed them. They then ran out 
and endeavored to reach a boat by which they might 
escape. But they were observed by the British, who 
advanced towards them, seized the boat before it could 
be dragged into the water, and captured four of the 
picket. Four others were afterwards taken on land. 
Of the four remaining, three ran into the cane-brake, 
thence into the prairie, where they wandered about all 
day until worn down with fatigue and suffering, they 
returned to the village, happy to surrender themselves 
prisoners. One only escaped, and after three days of 
terrible hardships and constant perils, wandering over 
trembling prairies, through almost impervious cane- 
brakes, swimming bayous and lagoons, and living on 
reptiles and roots, got safely into the American camp. 

The prisoners were shut up in one of the huts and 
closely guarded. One of them, a native Louisianian 
(Mr. Ducros), was separated from his companions and 
placed in a boat, in which were Captain Spencer and 
other British officers. The boat returned to the lake 
and near the mouth of the bayou was met by the main 
body of the British flotilla, when Captain Spencer intro- 
duced his prisoner to a tall, black-whiskered, youthful 
man in military undress, as General Keane, and to 
another rough and stern-looking, white-haired old gen- 
tleman, in plain and much worn clothes, as Sir Alexan- 
der Cochrane. These two distinguished officers then 
proceeded to interrogate Mr. Ducros very closely. But 
with the prompt Irish wit of the one, and the deep 
Scotch calculation of the other, they did not succeed in 



124 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

extracting any very valuable or pleasing intelligence 
from the shrewd Creole. 

Valuable the information was not to the British, but 
as the sequel will show, invaluable to the Americans, 
was one item of news which Mr. Ducros succeeded in 
passing off upon the inquisitive British. It was the 
statement that Jackson had from twelve to fifteen thous- 
and armed men to defend the city, and four thousand at 
the English Turn. By a preconcert the other prisoners 
confirmed this estimate. It greatly surprised the Gene- 
ral and Admiral, and led them to doubt the character 
and veracity of the fiishermen, who had made so light 
of the defences of the city, and rendered it necessary 
that the greatest caution and prudence should be ob- 
served in their movements. Thus it is that traitors and 
renegades are distrusted, even when they have truth on 
their side. The timely fiction of the prisoners proved a 
shield for the city. So deeply was it impressed on the 
minds of the British that it has been embodied in all 
their histories. That prejudiced, though graphic writer, 
Alison, has eagerly adopted for the protection of British 
fame, an invention which served as a protection of an 
American city. He estimates Jackson's force at twelve 
thousand, when the British landed, which was more than 
the whole male population of New Orleans at that time. 

Cochrane went ashore at the village to remain and hurry 
up the other divisions. The boats which had entered 
the bayou were ordered to push forward with all speed. 
The sailors stood to their oars, and the boats swept 
rapidly up the stream, the banks on either hand closing 
in upon them as they advanced, and gradually contract- 
ing their front, until at last there was only space suffi- 






THE BRITISH LANDING AND BIVOUAC. 125 

cient for one boat at a time. Passing into Bayou Maz- 
ent, the. southern branch of the Bienvenn, the stream 
became so narrow that 'oars could not be used, and the 
boats had to be propelled by punting. Finally the front 
boats took the ground. The sailors were then ordered 
to jump out, and see if a road could be found on the 
banks of the bayou, which was practicable for the 
troops. They reported that there was a narrow slip of 
solid land along the bank of the stream, where a path 
was discernible. The troops were then marched ashore 
in single file, and the whole brigade stood at rest for 
half an hour until General Keane and Rear-Admiral 
Malcolm (who had remained in the rear to see that there 
were no stragglers), could come up. On their arrival 
at the head of the column, a brief consultation was held, 
the men were hurriedly inspected, the column was 
formed with the deserters and guides in front, and the 
engineers sent ahead to cut away the trees and other 
obstacles, and bridge the numerous narrow and deep 
streams that run into the bayou. 

The order to march was then given, and the active 
Thornton led his column briskly forward in the narrow 
path along the bayou, from which it would be danger- 
ous to stray on account of the quagmire. Some delay 
was occasioned by the severe labors imposed upon the 
engineers in clearing the rank vegetation, which fre- 
quently obstructed the path, and in constructing rude 
bridges across the ditches. The scenery for some dis- 
tance continued to present the same dreary monotony. 
Soon, however, the ground began to grow firmer and 
the path more distinct. The files were now widened, 
and the men were ordered to quicken their steps. With 
the greatest alacrity they obeyed their orders, and pushed 



126 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

rapidly through the low, stunted cypress woods which 
had succeeded to the cane-brake. Suddenly the leading 
files found themselves emerging into open and cultivated 
fields. Extending their front, they advanced rapidly 
and joyfully in the direction of an orange grove, through 
which several houses could be discerned. Forming his 
front into companies, so as to make as wide a sweep as 
possible, Thornton, with one company, stole rapidly 
along Yillere's Canal, and succeeded, under cover of 
the grove, in surrounding the principal house. 

Major Gabriel Villere, son of the General, had been 
directed to guard the approach from the Bienvenu, and 
in the execution of his orders, had dispatched the picket 
which fared so badly at the Fisherman's Tillage. 
Secure in his outposts, the Major was sitting on the 
front gallery of the house, looking towards the river, and 
quietly enjoying his cigar, whilst his brother Celestin was 
engaged in cleaning a fowling-piece. Suddenly the 
Major observed some men in red coats running towards 
the river. Immediately he leaped from his chair and 
rushed into the hall, with a view of escaping by the rear 
of the house. What were his horror and dismay to 
encounter at the back door several armed men. One 
of these was Colonel Thornton, who with drawn sword, 
called to the Major to surrender. There were no braver 
men than the Villeres ; their heritage was one of daunt- 
less courage and chivalry — but resistance under such 
circumstances would have been madness. With infinite 
mortification the young Creole surrendered. Celestin 
had already been arrested in the yard. The two 
young men were then confined in one of the rooms, 
closely guarded, until General Keane could come up. 
These events occurred at half-past ten o'clock, on the 



THE BRITISH LANDING AND BIVOUAC. 127 

morning of the 23d. of December. Surrounded and 
vigilantly guarded by his captors, Major Villere watched 
eagerly for an opportunity to escape. He felt that if 
he should remain imprisoned, the calumniators of his 
race would find, in the circumstance, some color for the 
aspersions of the patriotism and fidelity of the Creoles 
of Louisiana. To repel so base an inference, he deter- 
mined to incur every peril. Springing suddenly from 
the group of soldiers, he leaped through the window of 
the room in which he was confined, and throwing down 
several of the British, who stood in his way, ran towards 
a high picket fence which enclosed the yard ; clearing 
this at a bound, in the presence of some fifty British 
soldiers, several of whom discharged their arms at him, 
he made for the woods with that celerity and agility 
for which the young Creole hunter is so distinguished. 
The British immediately started in hot pursuit, scatter- 
ing themselves over the field so as to surround the fugi- 
tive. " Catch or kill him," was Thornton's order. 

Traversing the field behind the house, Yillere plunged 
into the cypress forest which girts the swamp, and ran 
until the boggy nature of the soil began to impede his 
progress. He could distinctly hear the voices of his 
pursuers rallying one another and pointing out the 
course which he had taken. His re-capture now seemed 
inevitable, when it occurred to him to climb a large 
live-oak and conceal himself in its thick evergreen 
branches. As he was about to execute this design, his 
attention was attracted by a low whine or cry at his 
feet. He looked down and beheld his favorite setter 
crouched piteously on the ground, by her mournful look 
and action, expressing more strongly than could the 
human face or form, her sympathy for the perils of her 



128 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

master, and her desire to share his fate. The faithful 
creature had followed her master in his flight. What 
could Villere do with the poor animal ? Her presence 
near the tree would inevitably betray him. There was 
no other hope of escape. His own life might not be of 
so much value, but then the honor of his family, of a 
proud lineage, the safety of the city of his birth, with 
whose fortunes those of his family had been so conspicu- 
ously associated, the imminent peril in which Jackson 
and his soldiers would be placed by the surprise of the 
city, — these, and other considerations, such as should in- 
fluence and control a gallant and honorable man, sup- 
pressed and overwhelmed all tender emotions of pity 
and affection. The sacrifice had to be made. With a 
deep sigh and eyes full of tears, the young creole seized 
a large stick and striking the poor, fawning, faithful 
dog, as she cowered at his feet, soon dispatched her. 
Concealing the dead body, he ascended the tree, where 
he remained until the British had returned to their 
camp, and the pursuit was relinquished. He then slip- 
ped stealthily down, and stealing along the edge of the 
woods, hurried to a plantation below, where he found 
his neighbor, Colonel de la Ronde, who hearing of the 
approach of the British, was hurrying up from Terre 
aux Boeufs to join Jackson. Obtaining a boat, Villere 
and De la Eonde rowed across the river and reached 
in safety the plantation, on the right bank of the Miss- 
issippi, of P. S. Dussau de la Croix, one of the Commit- 
tee of Public Safety of New Orleans. Horses were 
quickly saddled, and Villere, De la Ronde, and De la 
Croix, leaping upon them, put spurs to their animals 
and rode towards the city as rapidly as the swift little 
creole ponie3 could bear them. 



THE BRITISH LANDING AND BIVOUAC. 129 

Thirty-seven years had passed, and the gallant young 
Creole hero of this adventure, emaciated by long sick- 
ness, and prematurely old, surrounded by a family of 
gallant sons and lovely daughters, sat in that very gal- 
lery, and on the very spot on which he was surprised 
by the British, and related with graphic distinctness, 
with kindling eye and voice, hoarse with emotion, the 
painful sensation, the agonizing remorse which agitated 
his soul, when compelled to sacrifice his faithful dog to 
prevent the surprise of his native city and save his own 
honor. A few weeks after, his worn frame was con- 
signed to the mausoleum, which encloses the mortal 
remains of many other members of a family, whose name 
is so highly honored in the annals of Louisiana. 

Finding all his precautions thwarted — having, in fact, 
observed the fugitives galloping towards the city on 
the opposite bank of the river, General Keane, who had 
now reached the head of the column, ordered the troops 
to be formed in battalion. He then marched them by 
Villere's house, and right- wheeled into the road, which, 
at a distance of about a hundred yards from the river, 
proceeds directly to the city. Having arrived at the 
upper line of Villere's plantation, at a point where the 
levee suddenly diverges almost at a right angle to the 
road, he ordered the three regiments, composing the 
advance, to take position. They were accordingly form- 
ed in three close columns in the field, within musket 
shot of the river. In front, where the advanced posts 
were stationed, w T ere a fence and ditch. The Kocket 
company was stationed on the bank of the river to defend 
the rear of the camp. Outposts and pickets were posted 
far out in the field, and a strong advance was thrown 
forward up the ri^er towards the city. Keane and 

6* 



130 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Thornton established their headquarters at Yillere's 
house. The three small cannon "brought up with the 
advance, were placed in battery in the yard. 

It was afternoon before these dispositions were com- 
pleted. Strong parties had been, in the meantime, sent 
in every direction to see if any enemy was near. They 
all reported that there was no sign of a foe. The farm- 
houses had been abandoned by the whites, and the 
negroes were unable to give any information of what 
was going on. Under these circumstances, Colonel 
Thornton warmly urged-General Keane to advance and 
march into the city, which lay in a defenceless state, 
about eight miles off, without an obstacle between it 
and the British army. The troops, this sagacious and 
enterprising officer declared, were fresh and in excellent 
spirits, and full of confidence and ardor. But General 
Keane had been seriously impressed by the represen- 
tations of the prisoners taken at the Fisherman's Tillage, 
as to Jackson's force. He was apprehensive that his 
communications with the fleet might be cut off, and his 
little army be surrounded by overwhelming numbers. 
He did not perceive that he was already separated by a 
wide chasm from his supplies, and the main body of his 
command, which lay at a distance of forty or fifty miles 
off. 

He, therefore, concluded to delay his advance until 
the other divisions came up. Fatal error for the Bri- 
tish ! Thornton was vastly Keane's superior in sagacity 
and military skill. 

Arriving at Villere's at eleven o'clock, if Keane had 
•pushed forward, he might have been the first to an- 
nounce his arrival to the surprised garrison and people 
of New Orleans. It would be rash to conclude that the 



THE BRITISH LANDING AND BIVOUAC. 131 

bold genius, the inexhaustible resources and dauntless 
energy of Jackson, would not have supplied some 
defence, against even a column of regular soldiers, of 
experienced warriors, equal in number to his own com- 
mand of raw militia, separated in detached parties, oc- 
cupying an area of seven or eight miles ; but there can 
be no doubt in the mind of any person, who views the 
condition of affairs in the city at this juncture, that it 
would have required a miraculous intervention to have 
saved it from capture or destruction, if Colonel Thorn- 
ton's counsel had prevailed. Without walls or available 
forts, scattered over so wide a space, the city could only 
have been defended by a system of street guerrillaism, 
the consequences of which would have been deplorable 
and heart-sickening. 

It is essential to a clear and correct comprehension 
of subsequent events, that we should describe the char- 
acter and situation of the country in which General 
Keane now found himself established. The position 
occupied by his army was eight miles below the city, 
following the road near the levee. The Mississippi 
River at this period of the year is higher than the plains 
on either Side, which gently decline from its banks. To 
prevent its overflow, levees are constructed, usually 
about seven or eight feet high, varying with the eleva- 
tion of the plain, which is greater in some places than 
in others. The land on both sides of the river is of allu- 
vial formation, and runs off into low swamps, which are 
covered with cypress and other trees. The swamps are 
relieved by numerous bayous, which find their way to 
the lake. The lake being lower than the river, the 
plantations are drained into it through the swamp. The 
culture of sugar, the only extensive product of South 



132 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Louisiana, demands a very thorough drainage, and the 
alluvion is subject to a constant infusion from seepage 
or transpiration water. To draw off this, and prevent 
the injurious effects of moisture on the cane, the planters 
cut numerous ditches in every direction, so as to enclose 
spaces of one or two acres, it being an established fact 
in cane culture, that the labor and expense of ditching 
and drainage are the best investments of the planter. 

The plantation establishment, at the time of which 
we are now writing, was simple and cheap, compared 
with the present grand and expensive arrangements and 
constructions. Instead of large brick sugar-houses, with 
powerful machinery, propelled by steam, at a cost of 
many thousand dollars for fuel, with a complete and 
intricate apparatus, embracing many ingenious inven- 
tions of modern science, with long brick wings extended 
on each side of the sugar-house, forming a huge T, 
called the purgeries, in which the hogsheads of green 
sugar are deposited on rafters over a large cement cis- 
tern, so that the syrup (strop) may drain from the sugar, 
and leaving the crystallized particles and solid matter 
dry, form in the cistern that article so much desiderated 
by juveniles, called molasses. These, with many other 
expensive improvements, which it would not be appro- 
priate to describe in this place, render the sugar planta- 
tions of Louisiana, objects of great interest to strangers 
and others, who are curious about the application of 
science and art to the production of one of the great 
comforts of life. 

How different were the arrangements of the sugar 
planters thirty-nine years ago ! Then an ordinary mill 
of circular shape, made of cypress plank, set in motion 
by the labor of mules, served by a very simple, though 



THE BRITISH LANDING AND BIVOUAC. 133 

awkward and uncertain mechanism, to press the juice 
from the cane. This was collected in kettles and boiled 
in the open air over rude fires, until crystallization was 
obtained, when the kettles would be emptied into 
troughs and put out to cool. In this process, the labor- 
ers employed were exclusively African slaves, the only 
species of labor adapted to the cultivation of sugar in 
Louisiana, which, requires that the planter should have 
absolute control over the labor thus employed. A delay 
or interruption of taking off his crop, such as would 
frequently occur under any system of free labor, would 
be fatal to the prospects and interests of the planter. 
These negroes were then, as they are now, treated with 
great kindness and indulgence, though of late years 
great improvements have been made in their condition 
and comforts. It is always the interest of the planter 
to promote the comfort, health and vigor of those upon 
whose labor he is dependent. 

This motive, aside from the ordinary feelings of human- 
ity, which prompt all civilized beings to desire to see their 
fellows happy, contented and comfortable, will always 
secure kind treatment for the negroes employed on the 
plantations of the South. There are, no doubt, excep- 
tions to the remark, but they are not more numerous 
than the exceptions to the proposition, that parents 
desire the happiness of their children, or husbands that 
of their wives. Wife-killing, and the cruel treatment 
of children by their parents, in some of the very central 
districts of civilization and Christianity, are more com- 
mon than the instances of brutality and cruelty to slaves 
in the Southern States. 

At the period to which our sketches refer, the negroes 
on the plantations lived in small huts, constructed of 



134: JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

light wooden frames, filled in with adhesive mud, taken 
from the batture of the Mississippi. Now, however, 
their dwellings consist of neat cottages of wood or brick, 
built some feet from the ground, with windows, chim- 
neys, doors, and all the essentials for comfortable lodg- 
ing, with a small patch of ground in the rear of each 
cabin, for a garden. The cabins are usually built in 
two rows, with the main road of the plantation passing 
between the rows. We are thus minute, because a very 
common error prevails, and has been repeated by many 
writers and speakers in England and the United States, 
that the negroes employed in the sugar culture of Louisi- 
ana are subjected to very severe toils and hard treatment. 
It is susceptible of satisfactory demonstration, that the 
condition of these negroes is greatly superior to that of 
any of the agricultural laborers, white or black, of other 
countries. The happiness, health, and especially the 
great fecundity of the negroes in Louisiana, as well as 
their own enthusiastic testimony, will establish this 
fact. 

The planters' dwelling-houses in 1814 were usually 
neat wooden edifices, either in the cottage style, like 
General Yillere's, the first headquarters of the British 
army, the whole building being on one floor, with wide 
galleries in front and rear ; or in the chateau style, like 
Bienvenu's and Macarte's, in front of the British camp, 
which consisted of two stories and an attic, the ground- 
floor being usually paved with brick or .marble, and the 
galleries supported by brick pillars, circling the whole 
building. These houses were surrounded by trees and 
shrubbery, so that, at a short distance, they could 
scarcely be seen. They looked to the river, and were 
built usually at a distance of a few hundred yards from 



THE BRITISH LANDING AND BIVOUAC. 135 

its bank, with cultivated gardens, or neatly trimmed 
lawns, shaded by spreading live oaks and pecan trees, 
and hedged around with a thick growth of orange and 
lemon trees, extending in front to the road, which fol- 
lows the levee. The plantations were divided by slight 
but durable fences of cypress pickets, with ditches on 
both sides. Their fronts usually , averaged a mile or 
three-quarters on the river, with about the same depth, 
terminating in the cypress swamp, which extends the 
whole distance from the mouth of the Mississippi to the 
highlands, a distance of over two hundred miles, leaving 
between it and the river, a narrow neck of solid and 
cultivable land. 

It was this neck which General Keane now occupied. 
His camp was entirely within Yillere's plantation, and 
stretched from the head of the canal, near the mansion, 
to the upper line of the plantation. There were some 
twelve or fifteen plantations, large and small, over which 
he must pass to reach the city. A two hours' march 
would have accomplished the task. After leaving Yil- 
lere's, he would have passed into Lacoste's, from La- 
coste's to De la Eonde's, from De la Eonde's to Bien- 
venu's, from Bienvenu's to Chalmette's. We need not 
go further, as these five plantations embrace the full 
extent of the British advance, and of the operations 
which we are about to describe. The upper line of 
Chalmette's is marked by a small canal or ditch, called 
Eodriguez' Canal, which was dry the greater part of 
the year, and only contained a small quantity of water 
when the river was high. This canal was never passed 
by a hostile Englishman who did not perish in the act. 

The plantations between the Canal Eodriguez and the 
British camp were under good culture. • The crops had 



136 JACKSON AND NEW OKLEANS. 

just been gathered, and the families had been residing 
on them a few days before the British arrived. The 
rolling season, as it is called, was just over, and the sugar 
safely stored in the barns and warehouses on the planta- 
tions. That portion of the cane, which is retained to 
be planted for the next crop, was left in the fields, 
having been cut and piled into mattresses, covered with 
a slight layer of fodder and dirt, to protect it from the 
frost — a process called by the planters matlaying. It is 
a notable coincidence, that the three plantations first 
named in the preceding enumeration, where most of 
the events to be described occurred, were owned by 
gentlemen, who, at the time of the arrival of the British, 
were actively and efficiently engaged in aiding Jackson 
to defend the city. 

General Yillere was in command of the first division 
of Louisiana militia, employing his influence and talents 
in rallying the people of the rural districts to the defence 
of the city, and in organizing various bodies of troops. 
The services of Colonel De la Eonde were similarly 
employed, and Major Lacoste, aided by his son (now 
General Lacoste, Paymaster-General of the State, and 
long a member of the State Senate), was engaged in 
forming and disciplining that efficient battalion of free 
men of color, to which frequent allusion will be made 
hereafter. 

The front view from the British camp was interrupted 
by the turn in the river, which, at Lacoste's, declines to 
the west. The position of Keane was well adapted for 
defensive, but too narrow and circumscribed for offen- 
sive operations. The swamp afforded a secure protection 
for his right, and for his line of communications with 
the squadron m the lake. The river protected his left 



THE BRITISH LANDING AND BIVOUAC. 137 

flank from attack by land troops, but not against any 
armed vessel that might drop down the stream, nor from 
batteries on the opposite bank. There was the weak- 
ness of his position. Had the vessels of war succeeded 
in coming up the river, and anchored in rear of the 
camp, this deficiency would have been remedied. But 
as it was, having determined not to advance until he 
was joined by the remainder of his troops, it is quite 
evident, to even an unmilitary eye, that General Keane 
had placed his army in a position of great peril and 
embarrassment. 



138 JACKSON AND NEW OBLEANS. 



Yin. 

THE ALARM — THE RALLY — THE MARCH. 

The first intelligence which greeted Jackson on his 
return from his tour below the city and in the neighbor- 
hood, was of the disastrous and alarming capture of the 
gun-boats. By and by the details of the combat — of 
the heroic defence — the bloody and destructive resist- 
ance against an overwhelming force, reached head- 
quarters, and produced the most lively emotions of pride 
and courage in the breast of Jackson.* This result, the 



* General Plauche, in a brief review written by him, relates the following facts: 
On reaching the position which he had been ordered by Jackson to occupy with his 
battalion at the Bayou Bridge after the review of the ISth, Major Plauche proceeded to 
make a survey and reconnoissance of the adjacent country, and particularly of the 
bayous by which the rear of the city could be approached. In the discharge of this 
duty he proceeded to Fort St. John at the mouth of the bayou, where he held a confer- 
ence with Major Hughes, who commanded this post. Shortly after his arrival at the 
fort, two small schooners arrived from the direction of the Rigolets, having on board a 
white man of the name of Brown, and a passenger named Michaud, who were strongly 
suspected of being spies. Brown, when closely interrogated by Major Hughes, said 
that he had seen and counted three hundred and forty-eight barges, carrying each 
forty or fifty men, infantry, cavalry, and two regiments of negroes, that had disem- 
barked at Ile-aux-Poix ; and that they were accompanied by twenty or twenty-five 
armed .ships. The negro Michaud, when questioned by Major Plauche, said that he 
had served as pilot for Brown, by whom he was paid. He confirmed his statement as 
to the number of British barges, and said that they had endeavored to secure his ser- 
vices and those of Brown to pilot them. These men were immediately sent to Head- 
quarters at New Orleans to be examined by the General. It was from them the first 
positive intelligence was received of the landiDg of the British at Ile-aux-Poix. On 
the person of Michaud a billet was found, signed " Labat," dated Pass Christian, 10 



THE ALARM. 139 

near approach of that powerful army, instead of shock- 
ing or astounding the soul, gave more fire and vigor to 
the energies of this heroic chief. In calm and resolute 
terms he communicated the intelligence to the Legisla- 
ture, eulogizing " the valor and firmness with which our 
gallant tars maintained the unequal combat, leaving no 
doubt that, although compelled ultimately to strike, 
their conduct had been such as to reflect honor upon 
the American name and navy." He added, u the 
ascendency which the enemy had now acquired on the 
coast of the lake, increases the necessity for enlarging 
our measures for defence." 

Look at the map of New Orleans, and you will ob- 
serve a small bayou, called the Chef Menteur, which 
approaches very near the rear of the city, and from the 
head of which starts a fine road on high land, running 
into the city, called the Gentilly road. The bayou com- 
municates with Lake Borgne, and the road commands 
the bayou. Nothing was easier than for the British to 
reach the city through the Chef Menteur, as they had 
entire command of the lake, provided the road was not 
defended by strong works and a large force. Jackson's 
first act was to protect this point. Lacoste's free men 
of color, with two pieces of cannon, were stationed 
here ; these were afterwards reinforced by the dragoons 



Decembre, 1S14, addressed to his sister in New Orleans. From this letter we translate 
the following extract : 

" I write you these few lines to give you the news. At the same time I wish you to 
learn that on this side of Pass Christian some sixty English barges are visible; that 
they have attacked the gun-boats and captured them, with forty barges containing 
thirty men each. They give no quarter, but in four days will enter the city. Hasten 
to leave, for they will burn everything that comes in their way. They have burnt the 
seahouse and a storehouse at Chopitoula, belonging to us; they hold no parleys, but 
proceed steadily forward to their object. Of the sixty sails visible, forty are brigs and 
corvettes. I beg of you in any event to retire to the swamp, for there are too many 
risks to run. It is the city they are aiming for." 



140 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

of Feliciana, a volunteer corps, one of the first from the 
country to reach Jackson's camp. Many other precau- 
tions were taken, which it would be tedious and unin- 
teresting to describe in full. Dispatches were sent to 
Coffee, Carroll and Thomas, informing them of the de- 
struction of the gun-boats, and urging them to use all 
dispatch in hastening to the city. 

The Government at Washington was also informed 
of the condition of affairs, of the great need of all the 
munitions of war, of the non-arrival of arms, for which 
a requisition had been made as far back as the summer 
months, but which did not reach New Orleans until the 
middle of January, 1815. By special agreement the 
contractor who brought these arms in flat-boats, was 
allowed the privilege of trading, as he descended the 
river, a privilege which he largely used. There was 
certainly no Carnot at "Washington to support and aid 
the Militia General, who had been sent to cope with the 
conquerors of Napoleon. 

All classes of a population, which but a few days be- 
fore was sunk in despondency and gloom, now became 
inspired with the heroism and valor of the intrepid 
chief. The free men of color formed a second battalion, 
which was drilled and organized by Savary, a veteran 
of the St. Domingo revolution, and commanded by 
Major Daquin. This battalion was composed almost en- 
tirely of fugitives from St. Domingo. Sailors were 
scarce, and, on the recommendation of Governor Clai- 
borne, bounties were offered by the Legislature for their 
enlistment. Thus Patterson was enabled to augment 
his forces, and to equip and man the schooner Carolina 
and the ship Louisiana, a merchant vessel, which had 
been purchased and fitted up for warlike uses. These 



THE RALLY. 141 

would be eminently useful in case of the advance of the 
enemy along the river banks. Among other judicious 
acts adapted to the emergency, the Legislature passed a 
bill suspending the collection of debts for three months. 
The eighteenth of December, eighteen hundred and 
fourteen, was a stirring and glorious day in New 
Orleans. It was the day fixed by Jackson for the 
review of the militia of the city. At an early hour the 
citizens were aroused by the roll of drums, and the 
clangor of trumpets, calling the people from their peace- 
ful pursuits to the Place d'Armes. Promptly they as- 
sembled with arms, accoutrements, and that invariable 
badge of the Creole soldier, the houquet of mother, sis- 
ter, or lady-love. They gathered on classic ground, too, 
when they stood on the greensward, and beneath the 
venerable trees of that honored spot, where all the great 
events in the history of the city had been duly celebra- 
ted. In front, the old Cathedral of St. Louis reared its 
quaint and time-stained towers, an object well calculated 
to kindle the love of country of the Creoles, and incite 
them to deeds of noble daring and patriotic sacrifices. 
It was in that sacred edifice, beneath that vaulted roof, 
they had received, by Christian baptism, the names 
which they were pledged to preserve unsullied — it was 
there they had so long performed those religious duties 
and devotions which the faith of their fathers taught 
and enjoined — it was through those large doors, open 
alike to all, as the house of God should be, they had led 
their blushing brides — it was within those massive walls, 
and under that solemn dome, that the delicate charms 
of creole beauty produced their deepest and warmest 
influence, and where many a tender passion had its 
birth ripened into lasting affection, and conducted to 



142 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

connubial bliss. Alas ! that rude, dingy, and venerable 
relic of Spanish power and piety, around which clus- 
tered so many dear associations and fond remembrances 
has disappeared before the remorseless spirit of modern 
innovation (miscalled improvement), to make way for a 
far less impressive, though, perhaps, more architectural 
edifice. 

And, beside that venerable Cathedral, the Principal 
and the Calaboose, the old Square, too, had its proud 
associations. "We have said it was a classical, we might 
add, a sacred spot, to all Louisianians. It was the stage, 
on which had been enacted, all the prominent events 
in the stirring drama of the city of Bienville. 

Here all public transactions were authenticated. 
Here Ulloa had received the surrender of the colony of 
Louisiana from the hands of the French officials, amid 
the universal grief of the colonists. Here had been 
exhibited that exciting spectacle of the second surren- 
der of the city to that fierce Irish adventurer, whom the 
Spanish Government sent over to reclaim the almost 
revolutionized colony, Don Alexander O'Reilly, whose 
grim battalions of twenty-five hundred men, drawn up 
in perfect military order, glared fiercely upon the small 
command of French troops in front under Aubry, who 
bore the keys of the city and of the ports, — and at the 
waving of whose hand the artillery sent forth its thun- 
der, the shouts of the multitude arose to heaven, and 
the white banner of France, sinking from the head of 
the staff where it had long waved in pride and glory, 
was quickly succeeded by the gorgeous standard of 
proud old Spain. Here, too, Spain had redelivered the 
colony to its ancient founder, with equal pomp and dis- 
play ; and here, last and happiest cession of all, the French 



THE KALLT. 143 

tri-color, after a brief triumph , had descended amid 
loud huzzas and with other manifestations less gorgeous 
and showy, but more real and sincere than those which 
had attended the previous ceremonies of cession, — and 
in its place slowly and grandly arose that starry banner 
of the great Republic, which has ever since waved over 
that historic spot. Here all distinguished characters 
have received the salutations and hospitalities of the 
city ; and here all notable events and anniversaries have 
been celebrated by the customary tokens of popular 
feeling. Though time and events have produced great 
changes in the aspect of the place, — so that now it could 
scarcely be recognized by those of the ancient population 
whom fortune has long detained from their native city, 
- — and though the name of " Jackson " has appropri- 
ately and justly supplanted its ancient designation, still 
its historical associations are warmly cherished by all the 
natives and old residents of ]STew Orleans. 

Here assembled the scant force which ISTew Orleans 
could contribute for its defence out of its small and 
mixed population. This force consisted of two weak 
and badly equipped regiments of militia ; of Plauche's 
fine battalion of uniformed volunteers ; and of one bat- 
talion of free men of color. These troops were poorly 
armed — many of them having only ordinary fowling- 
pieces, and many being without flints. They were, 
however, animated by the greatest ardor and impatience 
to meet the foe. Jackson's eye brightened, the care- 
worn expression of his face cleared up, before that proud 
smile of confidence, a smile once seen and never forgot- 
ten, as his Aid, Edward Livingston, read, in the centre 
of the square, that impassioned address, whose sentences 
even now, when pronounced aloud, stir the heart and 



14:4: JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

excite the senses like strains of martial music, remind- 
ing those gallant young warriors " that though the sails 
of the enemy covered the Lake, to the brave, united in 
patriotism, and in a noble enthusiasm to protect their 
homes, their altars, their firesides, the honor of their 
wives, sisters, daughters, and mothers, — there was naught 
that was terrible in their aspect, and that the only rivalry 
among Americans, resisting a brutal and insolent invader, 
should be for the prize of valor and of fame." 

This address was received with loud acclaims, and 
the flashing eyes and resolute expression, the erect and 
manly bearing of the young soldiers, assured Jackson 
that he was surrounded by troops who would brave 
every peril to save their city and the honor of their flag ; 
who would follow whithersoever he might lead. After 
allowing them a short time to visit their families, Jack- 
son directed the various corps of this small force to take 
positions at various points in the suburbs of the city, 
which were assailable. 

Jackson next proceeded to relieve himself of the 
embarrassments of the divided and contentious, though 
probably well-disposed State officials, by declaring mar- 
tial law, and suspending the writ of habeas corjius. 
Though no doubt there was much calumny and exag- 
geration in the reports, diligently circulated by scandal- 
mongering and mischief-making persons, respecting the 
fidelity of certain public officials and citizens — and per- 
haps among no other people, situated as they were, would 
there have been more union and patriotism ; — yet from 
the insidious nature of the printed and circulated appeals 
of the British to the French and Spanish races, and 
from the fact that several former citizens of New Or- 
leans, connected with families resident in the city, were 






THE RALLY. 145 

reported to be in the British camp, — but, more than all, 
from a consideration of the injurious and indecent parti- 
san contests that were going on in the Legislature and 
among the State officials, Jackson deemed it prudent, 
and he was so advised by the highest judicial and other 
authority, to assume the entire police of the city in order 
to produce that unity of action, which was so necessary 
in this emergency. 

The wisdom and necessity of this act have been so 
ably vindicated by the first intellects of the country, 
that it would be quite inappropriate and supererogatory 
to discuss it in this place. The results of this measure 
were conspicuously beneficial. Thenceforward every 
thing proceeded with the utmost order and regularity. 
Every individual had his particular duty and post. The 
prisons were opened, and those of the occupants who 
could be trusted, were allowed an opportunity of redeem- 
ing their characters and exjDiating their offences against 
society, by serving their country on the battle-field. 
All able-bodied men, of every age, color, and nation- 
ality, except the British, were pressed into service. 
Suspicious strangers and neutral foreigners were ordered 
out of the city. All persons entering the city were 
required immediately to report themselves to the Adju- 
tant General, and on failing to do so were to be arrested 
and detained for examination. No one could depart 
from the city or beyond the chains of sentinels, but by 
permission from the commander, nor any vessel or craft 
sail on the lake or river. The lamps were to be ex- 
tinguished at nine o'clock, and all persons found in the 
streets after that hour were to be arrested and detained 
for examination. The aged and infirm constituted them- 
selves into a veteran guard to maintain the police of 

7 



146 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

the city and occupy the forts. One of this band was 
the Historian of Louisiana, and late its Chief Justice for 
thirty years, whose deficiency of sight rendered him in- 
competent for military duty. We refer to the venerable 
Francis Xavier Martin. 

At this juncture Jean Lafitte, true to his pledges, 
came forward and offered to organize his late associates 
into efficient corps to aid in the defence of the city. 
There were still a number of the Baratarians in prison, 
others were lurking in the swamps. Jackson was solic- 
ited by a committee of the Legislature, at the head of 
which was Mr. Bernard Marigny, who still survives a 
remarkable representative of the three nationalities, 
which in turn have possessed Louisiana, under all of 
which he has held offices of honor and trust, to enroll 
the Baratarians under the American flag. At first the 
General was not favorable to the proposition, but at the 
suggestion of Judge Hall, before whom the Baratarians 
had been arraigned, — and by a unanimous recommen- 
dation of the Legislature, the District- Attorney acqui- 
esced in the release of these men from prison, and Jack- 
son consenting, these experienced sailors and mariners, 
who had seen much service in various parts of the world, 
were released and organized into two artillery detach- 
ments under Dominique You and Bluche. The first 
was a Frenchman, a very wiry, agile, bright-eyed man, 
of indomitable will and great skill in the use of all wea- 
pons of warfare. The epitaph, on a tomb of showy and 
quaint form and structure now to be seen in the ceme- 
tery of St. Louis, describes Dominique You as a warrior 
who had signalized his valor in a hundred combats on 
sea and land, who was a modern Bayard sans peur et 
sans ropvche, who could calmly face the destruction of 



THE KALLY. 147 

the world, was not more hyperbolical than epitaphs 
usually are.* You was a warrior by nature, by taste, 
and habit. He was no more a pirate than Paul Jones. 
He abhorred cruelty, meanness and cowardice. Long 
after the events we are now describing, he continued to 
reside in the city — which he had aided to save, respected 
by all who knew him, and when he died, his remains 
were followed to the grave by one of the largest and 
most impressive funeral processions ever witnessed in 
'New Orleans. If we needed further testimonials of his 
merit, of the grossness of the calumny, which seeks to 
identify him with deeds of piracy, robbery and cruelty, 
it may be found in the fact that when, some years after 
the war, the illustrious Jackson visited this scene of his 
glory, almost his first inquiry was for his " old friend 
Dominique." And that on no occasion did that great 
and good man seem better pleased than when sitting 
at the hospitable breakfast table of his famous artillerist, 
misnamed the " Pirate Dominique." 

Bluche, the other commander of the Baratarians, was 
a Creole by birth. He is now a commodore in the 
Yenezuelian Navy. Bluche was a tall, imposing look- 
ing man, full of valor, enterprise and fond of adventure. 
Such men could not have been pirates in the ordinary 
and proper sense of the word. 

They organized out of the Baratarians two excellent 
artillery companies, whose services will appear here- 
after. Other Baratarians enlisted in other corps, or 
were stationed in the various forts guarding the ap- 
proaches of the city. 

* " Intrepide guerrier sur la terre et sur l'onde, 
II sut dans cents combats signaler sa valeur. 
Et ce nouveau Bayard, sans reproche et sans peur, 
Aurait pu sans trembler voir s'^couler le monde.'* 



148 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

!N*ew Orleans was now a camp. All day and night 
the streets resounded with martial airs — with the war- 
songs of the young Creole soldiers — many of them sons 
of the old Republicans of '89 and '93 — with all the notes 
of warlike preparation, indicating the thoroughly aroused 
spirit and enthusiasm of the people, and their firm deter- 
mination to resist to the last the invader who was ad- 
vancing so rapidly and resolutely upon the city. In- 
stead of gloom, anxiety and fear, no other expression 
could be observed in the countenances of all classes of 
citizens, but that of confidence, courage, and heroic 
resolve. The old and young, male and female, bond 
and free, all shared the universal enthusiasm and war- 
like spirit. The bright smiles of beauty fell in rosy 
showers upon the gallant volunteers, as with measured 
tread they paraded the streets. Mothers regarded with 
proud joy their beardless sons, who, with scarce the 
strength to bear up under the weight of fowling-j)ieces, 
were sturdily and bravely fulfilling the duties of regular 
soldiers and of full-grown men. Wives hugged closer 
their little ones to their throbbing bosoms, as peeping 
forth with mingled pride and anxiety from half-closed 
windows, they beheld their husbands — not so intent on 
their military duties that they could not cast fond 
glances at those dear pledges of affection, of devotion, 
and patriotism. 

The venerable priests and ministers of God stretched 
forth their hands and blessed the servants in a good 
cause, imploring for them the aid and protection of the 
Almighty in maintaining the honor, the rights and liber- 
ties of a free people. Little boys, catching the prevail- 
ing enthusiasm, formed themselves into companies, mim- 
icking their fathers and grown brothers, and marched 



THE KALLY. 149 

the streets in military array, to the music of toy drums, 
and charging numerous imaginary bands of capotes 
rouges, performed prodigies of valor to the great delight 
of admiring fathers and the discomfort of anxious 
mothers. With equal ardor the African slaves, appre- 
ciating the kind and paternal authority under which 
they lived, in so much comfort and happiness, entered 
into the spirit of the occasion and labored incessantly 
on the various works ordered by Jackson, and in burn- 
ishing the arms, and preparing the munitions of their 
masters. 

Such was the frame of mind into which one man, 
and he a stranger, could in a few days mould a large 
and discordant population. Such are the electric effects 
of true genius and heroism ! Such results alone would 
proclaim Jackson a chief and leader among men. The 
blaze of a victory, won by a powerful effort of courage, 
skill and prowess must pale before the greater splendor 
of such achievements as these, by which weakness is 
converted into strength, harmony is educed from discord, 
order from chaos, and even the errors and weaknesses of 
men are made subservient to a great and glorious end. 
It was for such deeds the sagacious Komans assigned a 
crown of far more lustre and value than the laurel 
chaplet of the triumphant warrior. And yet during all 
these exciting events, Jackson had barely the strength 
to stand erect without support ; his body was sustained 
alone by the spirit within. Ordinary men would have 
shrunk into feeble imbeciles, or useless invalids under 
such a pressure. The disease contracted in the swamps 
of Alabama still clung to him. Keduced to a mere 
skeleton, unable to digest his food, and unrefreshed by 
sleep, his life seemed to be preserved by some miracu- 



150 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Ions agency. There, in the parlor of his headquarters 
on Royal street, surrounded by his faithful and efficient 
aids, he worked day and night, organizing his forces, 
dispatching orders, receiving reports, and making all 
the necessary arrangements for the defence of the 
city. 

Jackson was thus engaged at half-past one o'clock 
p.m. on the 23d of December, 1814, when his attention 
was drawn from certain documents he was carefully 
reading, by the sound of horses galloping down the 
streets with more rapidity than comported with the 
order of a city under martial law. The sounds ceased 
at the door of his headquarters and the sentinel on duty 
announced the arrival of three gentlemen who desired 
to see the General immediately, having important intel- 
ligence to communicate. " Show them in," ordered the 
General. The visitors proved to be Mr. Dussau De la 
Croix, Major Gabriel Villere and Colonel de la Ronde. 
They were stained with mud and nearly breathless with 
the rapidity of their ride. 

" W hat news do you bring, gentlemen ?" eagerly asked 
the General. 

" Important ! highly important !" responded Mr. De 
la Croix. "The British have arrived at Villere's plan- 
tation, nine miles below the city, and are there encamped. 
Here is Major Yillere, who was captured by them, has 
escaped, and will now relate his story." The Major 
accordingly detailed in a clear and perspicuous manner 
the occurrences we have related in the preceding chap- 
ter, employing his mother tongue, the French language, 
which De la Croix translated to the General. At the 
close of Major Yillere's narrative, the General drew up 
his figure, bowed with disease and weakness, to its full 



THE EALLY. 161 

height, and with an eye of fire and an emphatic blow 
upon the table with his clenched fist, exclaimed, 

" By the Eternal, they shall not sleep on our soil !" 
Then courteously inviting his visitors to refresh them- 
selves, and sipping a glass of wine in compliment to 
them, he turned to his Secretary and aids and remark- 
ed: "Gentlemen, the British are below, we must fight 
them to-night."- 

* A controversy arose some three or four years ago, at the time of General Gabriel 
Villere's death, as to the correctness of the general belief that the first announcement 
of the arrival of the British was made by Major (afterwards) General Villere. The 
following card, which was published in one of the city papers, sets up a new claim to 
this merit. 

[Communicated.] 

To the Editor .-—Having seen an error committed by Mr. Marigny, the author of the 
obituary notice of 'William G. Villere, I request you to insert in the Louisiana Courier 
the following detaiis touching the arrival of the English at New Orleans. 

The English came to Mr. Villere's plantation on the 23d December, 1S14, between 
twelve and one o'clock. As well as I can recollect, some officers who preceded the 
army, took Major Villere prisoner. As I was passing along at the time, I made all haste 
to give information to Mr. Ducros, who was posted on Mr. Jumonville's plantation. 
Captain Ducros said to me. " As you are on horseback, go to the city and let General 
Jackson know that the English are on Villere's plantation." I set out immediately, 
and passed, in spite of the efforts of the English to stop me. I reached Mr. Bien- 
venu's plantation ; my horse being unable to go any further, Mr. Bienvenu, 
sen., procured for me the horse of a dragoon who was sick in bed at his house, and I 
went to General Jackson's quarters in the city and gave him the news. A few minutes 
afterwards, three discharges of cannon gave the alarm, and drums beat to arms 
through the streets. I remained in the city one or two hours, hunting for a musket, so 
that I might join one or other of the companies; but no gun could be had. Then, be- 
lieving that my company had crossed the river in a fiat belonging to Mr. Danois, I re- 
solved to descend along the right bank of the river. While on my way, I met Major 
Villere about two miles below, opposite the widow Bienvenu's plantation. Mr. Viller6 
related in what way he had escaped from the English, and said he had left my com- 
pany on Mr. Caselard's plantation. We then parted; he pursued his way to town, 
and I went on to Mr. Caselard's plantation, where I found my company. Mr. Caselard 
crossed us over in a flat-boat, and we arrived at the left bank as the army was march- 
ing along to attack the English. 

This does not in the least take from the hardihood and heroism of Major Villere's 
escape from a band of armed men. 

Any one doubting the truth of this satement, may call upon Messrs. Casimir, Lacosta, 
Marcel, Tierville, Bienvenu, and Mr. Jules Villere, who all were members of Captain 
Ducros' company. Acgustin Rousseau. 

P. S.— In 1840, in presence of Mr. James W. Breedlove, General Jackson recognized 
me as the volunteer who first brought to him information that the English were on Mr. 
Viller6's plantation. Augustin Rousseau. 



152 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Never was there a bolder conception ! Never was 
there one which indicated greater courage and resolu- 
tion. Here was the jn'actised, professional, and experi- 
enced soldier, who had fought under Abercrombie, 
Moore and Wellington, against the renowned veterans 
of Napoleon, receiving a reproof and lesson of inesti- 
mable value from a farmer — lawyer — General, who had 
never commanded a regiment of regular soldiers in his 
life. Here was the master stroke of a native military 
genius'. Had Keane been a Jackson, he would not have 
waited for the attack, which the latter now prepared to 
make upon his camp. Had Jackson been a Keane, or 
almost any other man, he would as soon have thought 
of attempting to scale the heavens, as of instantaneously 
marching with his raw and weak levies against the heroes 
of Vittoria, of Badajoz, and Salamanca. 

What were his resources for so daring an enterprise ? 
On the 18th we have seen that he had in the city only 
the Louisiana militia and the regulars, the latter num- 
bering eight hundred and eighty-four men, including 
Col. McEea's artillery. The regulars were the 44th, 
under Col. Ross, and the 7th, under Major Peire. 

From the 18th he had received daily accessions. First 
came a fine troop of horse from Mississippi, organized 
in the southern part of the Territory, including many 

The truth of the latter part of this statement, is supported by Colonel James W. 
Breedlove, formerly collector for the part of New Orleans, who declares that he was 
present in 1840, when Mr. Rousseau was recognized by General Jackson, as the person 
who brought him the first information that a portion of the British army had landed 
and was then at Villere's plantation. General Casimir Lacosta, Paymaster General of 
the- State, also certifies to the truth of Mr. Rousseau's statement. 

On the other hand, Mr. Jules Viller6 and Mr. Dussau De la Croix published counter- 
statements, declaring their non-recollection of the facts stated by Mr. Rousseau, and 
vouching for the truth of the statement which we have adopted, without, however, 
assuming to determine which of the two parties gave the first information of th« 
arrival of the British. 



THE RALLY. 153 

Louisianians as well as Mississippiaus. It was com- 
manded by that impetuous and gallant officer, Major 
Hinds. This reinforcement was closely followed by the 
greater part of Coffee's brigade, which had performed 
the remarkable and tedious march from Fort Jackson, 
on the Alabama, around the lake, to the Mississippi 
river, which they reached by the old Spanish road, at 
Sandy creek, a few miles above Baton Rouge. Hasten- 
ing to this town, Coffee found there a messenger from 
Jackson, acquainting him with the capture of the gun- 
boats, and directing him to push forward with all rapid- 
ity, leaving his sick and baggage at Baton Rouge. 
Coffee immediately selected all his strong men and 
horses, and with them started for New Orleans in a 
brisk trot. In two days he reached the suburbs of the 
city, having, in that time, marched one hundred and 
fifty miles, with men and aninuils who had just per- 
formed a wearisome journey of eight hundred miles 
through a wilderness. There is no march to equal this 
in the history of modern warfare. Encamping on the 
Avart plantation, just above the city, Coffee rode to 
town to report to Jackson. 

It was a warm meeting between these two gallant 
soldiers, who had shared so many perils and hardships, 
and passed through so many eventful scenes together. 
Coffee was in the meridian of life, not having reached 
his fortieth year. A native of North Carolina, he had 
settled, in early youth, in Tennessee, where he formed a 
friendship for Jackson, which lasted during their lives, 
and may now be read in a beautiful epitaph, written by 
Jackson on the tomb in which the remains of his gallant 
associate, the " right arm " of his army, were deposited 

7* 



154 JACKSON AND NEW OKLEANS. 

in the year 1836, in a family bmwing-ground near the 
pretty village of Florence, Alabama.* 

Coffee was a man of noble aspect, tall and herculean 
in frame, yet not destitute of a certain natural dignity 
and ease of manner. Though of great height and 
weight, his appearance on horseback, mounted on a fine 
Tennessee thorough-bred, was striking and impressive. 
Coffee brought with him less than eight hundred men. 
They were, however, admirable soldiers, who had been 
hardened by long service, possessed remarkable endu- 
rance, and that useful quality of soldiers, of taking care 
of themselves in any emergency. They were all prac- 
ticed marksmen, who thought nothing of bringing down 
a squirrel from the top of the loftiest tree with their 
rifles. Their appearance, however, was not very mili- 
tary. In their woollen hunting-shirts, of dark or dingy 
color, and copperas-dyed pantaloons, made, both cloth 
and garments, at home, by their wives, mothers and sis- 
ters, with slouching wool hats, some composed of the 
skins of raccoons and foxes, the spoils of the chase, to 
which they were addicted almost from infancy — with 
belts of nntanned deer-skin, in which were stuck hunt- 
ing-knives and tomahawks — with their long unkempt 
hair and unshorn faces, Coffee's men were not calculated 

* The epitaph on the tomb of the late General John Coffee, written by Gen. Andrew 
Jackson : 

Sacved to the memory of Gen. John Coffee, who departed this life on the 7th day of 
July, A. D. 1833, aged 61 years. As a husband, parent and friend, he was affectionate, 
tender and sincere, lie was a brave, prompt and skillful general, a disinterested and 
pagacious patriot, an unpretending, just and honest man. To complete his character, 
religion mingled with these virtues her serene and holy influence, and gave him that 
solid distinction among his fellow-men, which detraction cannot sully, nor the grave 
conceal. Death could do no more than remove so excellent a being from the theatre he 
so much adorned, in this world, to the bosom of the God who created him, and who 
alone has the power to reward the immortal spirit with exhaustless bliss. 



TrfE RALLY. 155 

to please the eyes of the martinet, of one accustomed 
to regard neatness and primness, as essential virtues of 
the good soldier. The British were not far wrong when 
they spoke of them as "a posse comitatus, wearing 
broad beavers, armed with long duck guns." But the 
sagacious judge of human nature could not fail to per- 
ceive beneath their rude exterior those qualities, which, 
in defensive warfare at least, are far more formidable 
than the practised skill and discipline of regulars. 

Coffee's men were hardly established in camp, before 
Carroll, another of Jackson's favorite officers, arrived 
at the levee before the city, with a number of barges 
and flat-boats full of men. These were the Tennessee 
militia, for whom Jackson had made requisition in Sep- 
tember preceding. Carroll had used the greatest activ- 
ity and diligence, but was unable to procure a sufficient 
number of boats to transport his troops, who assembled 
in a few days after the call was published to march fif- 
teen hundred miles from their homes to defend a distant 
point of the Eepublic. He was, therefore, subjected to 
the most vexatious delays. Even when he had suc- 
ceeded in collecting a goodly number of rude barges, 
flats and rafts, many of his men were without arms and 
equipments. Carroll's Division left Nashville on the 
19th of November. It appears like an interposition of 
Divine Providence, that just before Carroll embarked 
on the Cumberland, that river, which is seldom boata- 
ble at that season of the year, w T as suddenly swelled by 
unexpected rains and torrents. Another fortunate event 
happened to the great relief of the gallant Tennesseeans. 
On their passage down the Mississippi, they intercepted 
certain boats having on board arms and munitions, 
which were leisurely proceeding down the Mississippi 



156 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

from Pittsburg, in charge of Government employe's, 
of which the Tennesseeans took possession. But for this 
accident, Carroll would have reached the city with an 
unarmed crowd of men, brave and devoted, but utterly 
inefficient and useless for the want of the most ordinary 
weapons of war. As it was, however, he brought into 
camp on the evening of the 22cl of December, a regi- 
ment of young and inexperienced soldiers, but skillful 
marksmen, who were eager for any service however try- 
ing and perilous. They were fortunate in their com- 
mander. 

Carroll, though quite a young man, had, by the force 
of his character, his decided military qualities, and 
many popular traits, attained high distinction and influ- 
ence at Nashville, to which place he had emigrated 
some years before, an industrious and skillful artisan 
from Pittsburg, Pennsylvania. He was in the prime 
of manhood, and had seen much hard service under his 
devoted friend and companion in arms, Andrew Jack- 
son. In person, Carroll was of the ordinary height, of 
stout, compact, muscular form, upright and soldierly in 
his bearing and carriage. The same inflexible devotion 
and friendship continued through life to mark the rela- 
tions of Jackson and Carroll. More than once did they 
risk their lives for one another. Even at the time of 
which wo write, Jackson was suffering from a cruel 
wound received in a personal rencontre which grew out 
of a quarrel in which Carroll was one of the principals. 

This was Jackson's whole force when it was announced 
to him that the British were but nine miles off. At the 
very moment when Yillere communicated the startling 
intelligence, to wit, at half-past one o'clock, p. m., on 
the twenty-third of December, this small force was scat- 



THE RALLY. 157 

tered as follows : Plauche's battalion was at the Bayou 
St. John, two miles from the headquarters ; Coffee was 
at Avart, five miles off; the Louisiana militia and half 
of the free colored battalion were on Gentilly road, three 
miles off, the Regulars were at Fort St. Charles and in the 
barracks in the city. These various posts embraced remote 
points in an area of eight or nine miles. Apprehending 
that the British might creep up through the upper 
branch of the Bienvenu, Jackson's first act was to dis- 
patch Carroll to that point, to command the head of the 
stream. Further up on the Gentilly road, Governor 
Claiborne was stationed with the State militia. He next 
ordered Coffee's brigade, Plauche's and Daquin's bat- 
talions, Hind's dragoons, and the Orleans rifles to break 
up their camps and proceed to Montreuil's plantation 
below the city, where they would be joined by the reg- 
ulars, and march against the enemy. Commodore Pat- 
terson, who was at Fort St. John, was ordered to hurry 
up to the city and get the Caroline under weigh, with 
a view of co-operating in the attack. 

In issuing these orders, the General used no unneces- 
sary words, even of incitement or encouragement ; the 
time was past for such stimulants ; they were not now 
necessary. The promptitude and daring of his conduct, 
the unbounded confidence which he manifested in their 
valor and devotion, were eloquent enough to strengthen 
the hearts and nerve the courage of his men. 

Completing these arrangements, and resolving upon 
his plan of attack, Jackson took a hasty repast, and then 
reclining his exhausted frame upon a sofa, sought a few 
moments' rest. 

The Cathedral clock had struck three o'clock, p. m., 
when, from every quarter of the city and suburbs, troops 



158 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

were seen hurrying to the Fort St. Charles — the lower 
fort of the city, nowthe site of the United States Branch 
Mint. This was the general rendezvous, or point of de- 
parture for all the troops. Jackson was early on the 
ground to observe and animate the various corps. His 
position was in front of the gates of the fort. Near 
him, drawn up with admirable precision, were the com- 
pact lines of the 44th Regulars, a fine regiment of 
newly raised but highly-disciplined men, commanded 
by Capt. Baker, a young but efficient officer, and num- 
bering 331 muskets. Peire, with the 7th infantry (465 
muskets), a detachment of marines, 60 strong, two six- 
pounders, and twenty-two artillerists, under Col.McRea 
and Lieut. Spotts of the artillery, had already been sent 
forward to occupy the road below the city. They were 
preceded in their march by a company of sharpshooters, 
with long rifles, blue hunting-shirts, and citizen's hats, 
who advanced with unusual vivacity and rapidity, eager 
to be the first on the field to meet the foe. 

This was the famous corps of Beale's Rifles. It was 
composed of picked men, leading merchants and pro- 
fessional characters of the city, who had formed them- 
selves into a volunteer corps, and solicited the post of 
danger in the coming contest. One of the officers of 
this corps was Judge Joshua Lewis, of the First District 
Court of New Orleans, who laid aside the judicial robes 
to fulfill the duties of the patriot and soldier. The mem- 
bers of this gallant corps were in the flower of youth. 
The neatness of their equipments, the intelligence of 
their countenances, and the ready promptitude of their 
movements, showed that they were no ordinary soldiers. 
They were all expert in the use of the rifle. 

Between the Rifles and the Tennessee mounted men 



THE RALLY. 159 

of Coffee's command, there grew up quite a warm 
rivalry, relative to their comparative skill in the use of 
that fatal and favorite weapon of the American citizen 
soldier, the rifle. It is due to history to say, that when 
the war was over, and there were no other contests to 
engage in bnt those of honorable rivalry among friends 
and brothers, this controversy was brought to a satisfac- 
tory test and conclusion by a trial of skill, which resulted 
in favor of "the crack shot" of Beale's Rifles. 

Presently, a heavy cloud of dust on the levee, and 
the rumbling sound of many feet striking the earth, 
announced the approach of a considerable cavalry force 
from the upper limit of the city. Emerging from this 
dust, and dashing up at a hand gallop, Hind's dragoons 
announced their presence, and delighted the eye of the 
General by their gallant, dare-devil bearing. 

Then followed, moving in a rapid trot, the long line 
of Coffee's mounted gunmen, who, from their careless 
carriage, outre dress, and singular equipments, presented 
more the aspect of backwoodsmen, going out on a " deer 
drive " or bear hunt, than of soldiers marching against 
the veteran warriors of Wellington. At their head rode 
their gallant leader, who, halting his column when it 
arrived in front of Jackson's position, advanced to the 
general-in-chief and held a brief conversation with him. 
Then quickly resuming his position in front of the col- 
umn, in a loud voice he gave the order to (t forward at a 
gallop ;" and, setting the example himself, started off at 
a brisk pace, which, being followed by his command, 
soon carried them out of sight. 

These corps had hardly disappeared, before a dark 
and varie-colored mass of men was seen moving rapidly 
down one of the cross-streets, towards the left of the 



160 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

44th. " Ah ! there come the brave Creoles," exclaimed 
Jackson to one of his Aids, whose handsome countenance 
lit up with a proud and. joyful expression at this com- 
pliment to his own race, of whose noble traits the gal- 
lant and enthusiastic Devezac was a line embodiment. 
This was Plauche's battalion, which had run the whole 
distance from the Bayou St. John to join the column of 
attack. Many of the battalion were delicate young 
Creoles, mere boys in age and strength ; and yet they 
bore their heavy muskets and knapsacks with as much 
alacrity as practiced veterans. With their gay and 
various uniforms, characterized by that good taste and 
regard for proportion and effect, which distinguish the 
French race — with their bold, handsome countenances, 
and uniform size, the Orleans Battalion was certainly a 
corps of which any commander might be justly proud. 

In the rear of this battalion was the corps of freemen 
of color, under the command of Major Daquin, a gal- 
lant and effective force, well officered, and capable of 
any service. 

Jackson had now seen his whole disposable force 
march by. We must not forget, however, to add that 
there was a small band of Choctaw Indians, under 
Captain Jugeat, attached to the column. 

The simple order to the troops was to hurry as rapidly 
as possible to Canal Rodriguez, six miles below the city, 
and there take up position and prepare to advance upon 
the enemy. With vivacity, but without noise or parade, 
the troops moved forward. As they advanced along 
the levee hundreds of snowy handkerchiefs were waved 
towards them, and bright eyes from every window and 
balcony cheered their hearts and warmed their courage. 
Unlike the females in most beleaguered cities, the 



THE RALLY. 161 

women of New Orleans, instead of flying into the 
country for protection and safety against an approaching 
army of invaders, whose shameful excesses on the Pen- 
insula, and the shores of the Chesapeake, gave but little 
hope that they would be restrained within any bounds 
of decency and humanity, remained at home to share 
the perils and sufferings of their husbands, sons and 
brothers, and to give their aid, their cheering presence, 
and their gentle consolations in the great emergency. 

On that very day, a number of the ladies of the city 
met at the residence of Mrs. Cenas, at present the con- 
sort of Colonel William Christy, himself a veteran of 
1814-'15, for the purpose of plying their needles in. the 
noble task of preparing clothing for the soldiers of Jack- 
son's army, many of whom arrived on tho levee in a 
very ragged and destitute condition. Whilst they were 
thus busily engaged, the news was brought into the 
room that the enemy had just landed, and were march- 
ing on the city. Of course the ladies were a little ner- 
vous at first, when the alarming intelligence was com- 
municated, but Mrs. Cenas remarked that they need be 
under no fear as long as they had Jackson to defend 
them. At the suggestion, however, of one of the party, 
a message was dispatched by the ladies to the General, 
inquiring " what they were to do, in case the city was 
attacked ?" " Say to the ladies," Jackson promptly re- 
plied, " not to be uneasy. No British soldier shall enter 
the city as an enemy, unless over my dead body." 
Never was pledge more faithfully or literally kept. 
British soldiers did enter the city, but it was in such a 
plight as gave full employment for the noble charity of 
these ladies, who nursed and comforted them, with the 



1/ 



162 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

same care and kindness which they extended to their 
own wounded countrymen. 

We should not forget to add, that many of these 
ladies, on hearing of the approach of the British, pro- 
vided themselves with daggers, which they wore in the 
same belt to which their needle cases were attached. 
The rumored war-cry of the British— " Beauty and 
Booty "■ — had nerved their hearts to a desperate resolve, 
which, in case the brutal threat had been attempted, 
would have rendered this city as illustrious for female 
devotion and heroism, as Saragossa, or old Kome in her 
palmy days. . 

The soldiers had all moved out of sight, still Jackson 
maintained his position on the levee. It was evident 
that his programme was not complete. The anxious 
glances which he threw across the river betrayed some 
solicitude. At last, however, the frown faded from his 
brow, as he observed a small, dark schooner cast off 
from the opposite bank of the river, and begin to float 
slowly down with the current. This was the Carolina, 
with Commodore Patterson, Captain Henly, and a gal- 
lant band of seamen on board. Then Jackson put 
spurs to his charger, and, accompanied by his aids, 
Captains Butler, Keid, Chotard, and Messrs. Livingston, 
Duplessis and Davezac, galloped rapidly down the road 
which had been followed by his little army. 

Jackson's plan of attack was simple, judicious a: 
practical. The Carolina was ordered to drop down in 
front of the British camp, and, anchoring at musket- 
shot, to open her batteries upon them at half-past seven 
o'clock. At this signal, the right, under Jackson, con- 
sisting of the regulars, Plauche and Daquin's battalions, 
McKea's artillery and the Marines, was to push forward, 



THE ATTACK. 163 

being guided by Major Yillere, who volunteered for the 
occasion, and attack the enemy's camp near the river. 
Whilst they were thus engaged, Coffee, under the 
guidance of Colonel De la Ronde, was ordered with his 
Brigade, with Hind's Dragoons and Beale's Rifles, to 
scout the edge of the swamp, and advancing as far as 
was safe, to endeavor to cut off the communications of 
the enemy with the Lake, and thus hem in, and, if pos- 
sible, capture or destroy them. 

Such was the simple plan of the battle of the 23d of 
December, 1814. 



164 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 



IX. 

BATTLE OF THE TWENTY-THIRD OF DECEMBER, 1814. 

For some hours after the British were encamped on 
the levee, all was well with them. Scouting parties, 
which had been sent in every direction, reported that no 
enemy could be seen or heard of. After posting a strong 
advance of the 95th Rifles far up. the road, and pickets 
at every approach to the camp, Keane felt tolerably 
comfortable, and determined to wait patiently for the 
arrival of the other two brigades, for which the boats 
had hurried back immediately after the advance had 
stepped ashore. Thornton did not feel so confident. 
He feared greatly that before morning broke they 
should have serious cause to lament the folly of the 
General in halting. In earnest discussion the two offi- 
cers walked the gallery of General Yillere's house, ever 
and anon casting anxious looks in the direction of the 
swamp and of the road to the city. Meantime the men 
proceeded to make themselves comfortable for the night. 
Bivouacked in the open field, about two hundred yards 
from the river, and extended for a half a mile along its 
banks, they began to light their fires and cook their 
suppers. The cypress pickets made good firewood, and 
camp-kettles were soon brought into requisition. Not 



BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 165 

content with the salt meat and rum allotted to them 
by the Commissary, small parties were permitted to go 
out in pursuit of more desirable delicacies. Spreading 
themselves over the country, as far as was prudent, they 
penetrated every house, every dairy and negro cabin, 
pig-sty and poultry-yard, seized everything that was 
eatable or drinkable and bore it into camp. The officers 
were allotted the first choice of these luxuries, which 
consisted of ham, cheese, poultry, wine, brandy, and 
other delicacies with which the houses of the planters 
are always abundantly supplied. It may be imagined 
with what zest these wearied soldiers, who had been for 
weeks crowded in ships on a long voyage, and whose 
appetites had been greatly sharpened by the fatigues of 
the march, partook of these rare comestibles. 

After satisfying their appetites, the soldiers generally 
lay on the ground to snatch a few moments of sleep. 
It was now about half-past four in the afternoon, and 
the most profound quiet and security reigned in the 
British camp, when suddenly some excitement was per- 
ceived in front, at the furthest outpost on the road. This 
was produced by the alarm of a sentinel, who observed 
some suspicious horsemen approaching the post by the 
main road. The guard immediately mustered, and con- 
cealing themselves behind the levee, waited until the 
horsemen had approached within musket range, when 
they delivered a well-directed volley, which killed one 
of the horses and wounded two of the men of the party. 
They then wheeled and retired down the road. This 
detachment proved to be a scouting party, composed of 
the Feliciana Dragoons, who had been sent forward to 
reconnoitre ; and one of the wounded men was the late 



166 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Thomas Scott, of East Feliciana, long a highly esteemed 
citizen of that parish, who had the misfortune to be the 
first man of Jackson's army, who received a wound at 
the hands of the British. 

An hour more passed, and no other event had occur- 
red to disturb the British, who were now wide awake, 
on the look-out for their foes. Just as the sun was sink- 
ing behind the dark forests on the opposite bank of the 
river, the outposts were again aroused by a still more 
formidable demonstration in front. A squadron of 
horse, at least one hundred in number, were seen trot- 
ting boldly down the road. On reaching a certain point 
they suddenly widened their front, and scattering over 
the field, charged boldly and fearlessly towards the out- 
posts. The daring and impetuosity of these horsemen 
excited the astonishment of the British. They said to 
one another, that they would no longer have to com- 
plain that they had to hunt up the Americans to beat 
them. They had found an enemy who knew what the 
offensive in warfare meant. Their new foes charged 
their pickets as boldly as if they had been on the Penin- 
sula, and had crossed swords with Napoleon's Cuiras- 
siers. Driving in the sentinels, they came down in a 
brisk trot to a ditch, in which a number of the Kifles 
had been posted, tfnd halting at a distance of one hun- 
dred yards, the officer in command coolly surveyed the 
British position ; and then wheeling his squadron, gal- 
loped back towards the city, not heeding a heavy 
volley which the Eifles sent after them. This was 
Hind's troop of Horse which had been sent as a recon- 
noitering escort to Colonel Hayne, the Inspector-General 
of Jackson's army, for the purpose of ascertaining the 
force and position of the enemy. 



BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 167 

These intruders disappeared from view, and solitude 
again resumed its sway over the broad fields in which 
the British were bivouacked. The soldiers repaired to 
their agreeable repasts and slumbers. Darkness began 
to gather over their camp. The sentinels were doubled, 
and the officers walked the rounds with restless anxiety. 
But the thoughtless and careless men, intent only on 
present comfort and enjoyment, trimmed their fires, so 
as to give cheerfulness to the scene, and reproducing 
the remnants of their midday feast, began to make good 
use of their kettles and pans in preparation for a com- 
fortable supper. Many, too exhausted to eat, lay down 
to sleep. They were not, however, entirely without 
anxiety, and for better security their arms were kept 
within reach, ready for instant use. About seven 
o'clock, the attention of several officers was drawn to a 
vessel which was stealing slowly down the river. From 
the bold and careless manner in which she approached 
their camp, many of the British thought that she was 
one of their own cruisers, which had passed the Fort, 
and after proceeding a short distance up stream to 
observe the enemy ; had now arrived most opportunely 
to cover their left flank in their advance upon the city. 
They hailed her — no answer was returned. Several 
muskets were fired, of which she took not the slightest 
heed. With amazing audacity the men on board were 
seen quietly fastening the sails, and the vessel continued 
to sheer in close ashore, swinging her starboard broad- 
side right abreast of the camp. Then her anchor was 
let loose — a slight movement was observed on board — 
lighted matches were discerned through the darkness, 
and in the stillness of the night, and of a spectacle, 
which by its mysterious character had made the British 



168 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

speechless with astonishment, a loud voice was heard 
from the ship, exclaiming, " Give this for the honor of 
America." The words were followed by a simultaneous 
flash from a score of cannon and firearms, and a perfect 
tornado of grape-shot and musket-balls, which swept 
the levee and the camps in the field, killing and wound- 
ing many men, some of whom were asleep when struck, 
and scattering their fires and camp utensils in every 
direction. The havoc was the more terrible from its 
suddenness. For some minutes the British were struck 
with consternation. Disorder prevailed through the 
camp. One of the officers says, " they were driven into 
the most dire confusion, which caused a tenfold panic. 
The scene beggared all description. ~No mob could be 
in a more utter state of disorganization." They were 
mowed down by the fire of an unseen and unknown 
enemy. Nor did the Carolina — for it was that vessel, 
with Commodore Patterson, Captain Henley, and an 
efficient crew, which had dropped down so inoppor- 
tunely on the British camp — give them much time to 
collect their senses. She continued her fire with amaz- 
ing rapidity and accuracy, embracing in its range the 
whole area of the field, in which the British soldiers ran 
wildly to and fro, in pursuit of shelter. The rocketers 
on the levee made a feeble effort to bring their weapons 
to bear upon the schooner, but they produced no effect, 
and only elicited the jeering laughter of the sailors of 
the Carolina. Finally, the intrepid Thornton came to 
the rescue of his affrighted men, and ordered them to 
leave the open fields, and shelter themselves under the 
levee. Never was an order more quickly obeyed. 
Reaching the levee, the men lay down at full length, 
listening in painful silence to the pattering of grape-shot 



BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 169 

in their camp, and the shrieks of the wounded in the 
field, who, unable to gain the cover, were knocked and 
tossed about like logs of wood, by the remorseless shot 
of the schooner. 

It was now so dark that the men could not discover 
an object of any size, more than a few feet off. The 
Carolina slackened her fire, and the prostrate British 
began to breathe freer, when a new cause of alarm 
arose. It was a firing at their outposts. First, there 
were a few isolated reports, evidently of the sentinels. 
Then came volleys of the pickets. These increased 
every second, and came from every part of the field. 
Finally, a blaze of fire seemed to encircle the camp. 
It was evident they were surrounded. Here was appar- 
ent confirmation of the wisdom of Keane's conduct. 
There must be at least twelve thousand men to justify 
such an attack on a camp of Peninsular veterans, and 
to cover and out-flank so large a front. But there 
was no time for reflection or speculation. They were 
surrounded, and must fight or yield. The latter was 
never thought of. 

With his usual boldness, Thornton ordered the 85th 
and 95th to rush from under the levee, and fly to the 
support of the pickets, whilst the 4th, stealing under 
cover of the levee, formed on the right bank of Villere's 
Canal, in front of the headquarters, so as to act as a 
reserve and protect their communications with the Lake. 
Major Gubbins led the 85th on the right, and Major 
Mitchell the 95th on the left, whilst Colonel Thornton 
directed the movements of the whole force. They were 
soon engaged in one of the fiercest, most severely, and 
evenly-contested night combats that ever occurred. To 

8 



170 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

comprehend the order of the battle, we must follow the 
movements of. the attacking party. 

Marching his men to Rodriguez Canal, about two 
miles from the British camp, Jackson made this ditch, 
running perpendicularly from the river to the swamp, 
the base of his operations. Coffee with eight hundred 
men, including his mounted gunmen, Hind's Dragoons, 
and Beale's rifles, was dispatched towards the left, with 
orders to advance along the edge of the swamp, until 
he reached the boundary line between Lacoste's and 
Laronde's ; and dismounting his men there to leave his 
horses, and push boldly forward, so as to gain the ene- 
my's right, turn his position, break up his communica- 
tions, and destroy him. Waiting for a few minutes, 
until he could hear the broadside of the Carolina, which 
was to be the signal for the commencement of the battle, 
and when those joyful notes, a little before the appointed 
hour, fell upon his ear, delaying for a few minutes 
longer, until they could produce their full effect upon 
the enemy, Jackson gave the order to advance. 

The right division, consisting of the regulars, the two 
battalions of volunteers, the artillery and the marines — 
in all 1,147 muskets — and two six pounders, and led by 
Jackson himself, advanced by heads of companies as 
near the river as possible. The battle was opened by a 
company of the 7th, under Lieutenant McClelland, 
which, however, was led by that gallant staff officer, 
Colonel Piatt. This company, being on the extreme 
right, filing through the gate of Laronde's plantation, 
advanced as far as the boundary of Lacoste's, when it 
was received with a brisk discharge from one of the out- 
posts of the enemy, established near the road, and lying 



BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 171 

under cover of a fence. This outpost consisted of eighty- 
men of the 95th, commanded by Captain Hallem. 
Their resistance to a single company of the 7th Infantry, 
has been exaggerated by one of the British historians, 
into " an achievement to which neither ancient or 
modern history can produce a parallel, as Captain Hal- 
lem," says this veracious writer, " was opposed to Jack- 
son's whole army, three thousand strong." The truth is, 
the gallant Captain Hallem and his eighty men were 
posted in a ditch and behind a fence, when he was at- 
tacked by the right company of the 7th. 

Calling to them to come out and fight like men in 
open ground, Piatt attacked them with great vigor, and 
forced them to retire, occupying the ground they had 
abandoned. The British, however, being reinforced, 
returned to regain their lost position, and opened a 
heavy fire upon Piatt's detachment, who as briskly 
replied. For some minutes the firing was very severe 
and destructive, the combatants being but a few yards 
apart. Piatt received a ball in the leg, McClelland and 
a sergeant were killed, and several of the men were 
wounded. Meantime, the artillery advanced up the 
road, covered by the marines under Lieutenant Belle- 
vue, and began to blaze away at the enemy's outposts 
with great vigor. Collecting a strong force, the British 
made a bold push for the guns. Their heavy fire caused 
a recoil of the marines, and some of the horses being; 
wounded, one of the pieces was upset in the ditch. 
Jackson and his stafT being near, rode swiftly to the 
point of clanger, and, indifferent to the shower of bul- 
lets which whistled around him, Jackson called out — 
" Save th.e guns, my boys, at every sacrifice ! " Aided 
by Captain Butler and Captain Chotard, of his staff, 



172 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

lie succeeded in repairing the momentary disorder, and 
rallying the marines and a comjDany of the 7th, soon 
had the guns safely protected.* 

These events all transpired in a few minutes. Mean- 
time the other companies of the 7th advanced briskly, 
and forming in battalion appuye on the river, opened a 
brisk tire on the British, who in a like manner had 
strengthened their lines. The 44th, forming on the left 
of the 7th, soon joined in the. fire. The engagement 
now became general, and the fire was kept up on both 
sides with great steadiness. Both lines extended per- 
pendicular from the river some distance out, being em- 
braced within an old levee and the new levee. In such 
a state of affairs botli became liable to be outflanked, 
and turned, the British on the right and the Americans 
on the left. The British line was rapidly extending 
beyond that of the Americans, and a strong force had 
began to file off behind the' old levee, towards the rear 
of the left of the 44th, and that regiment was compelled 
to oblique to the left, being forced back, when Plauche 
and D'Aquin fortunately came into line, and forming 
under a severe fire at pistol shot, advanced in close 
column. 

Just as Plauche's battalion was wheeling into line on 
the left of the 44th, some of his platoons on the right, 
lapping those of the 44th, mistook them for the enemy 
and fired a volley at them, which wounded several men. 
Plauche quickly repaired the unfortunate error, and led 
his battalion into the very face of the enemy, who gave 



* Jackson used to say, familiarly, when complimented on the gracefulness of his 
bow, that he learned the art on the night of the twenty-third, when though the British 
thought differently, he never wasted so much politeness in his life in bowing to their 
bullets as they whistled around his head. 



BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. • 173 

way rapidly. D'Aquin's battalions followed Plauche, 
and the two very soon reinstated the 44th in its recti 
linear position, and then opened a heavy fire upon the 
enemy, which caused them to give way still more. See- 
ing the effect of his fire, the men called out to charge 
bayonets, and Plauche was about to give the order for 
the charge, when Colonel Eoss, who had command of 
the volunteer battalions, countermanded the order, and 
directed him to hold his position. This was for the 
Americans the most unfortunate event of the affair, as 
was shown afterwards when the situation of the British 
became known. If the charge had been made, a large 
portion of the British army, including a whole regiment, 
would have been cut off from the rest, and compelled 
to surrender. Finally, however, the British being so 
vigorously pressed, deemed it prudent to retire and 
resume their original position on the boundary line of 
Lacoste and Yillere's. In this movement they were 
favored by a heavy fog, which arose about half past 
eight o'clock. 

So much for the operation on the right. Meantime 
Coffee was not idle. Dismounting his men at the ditch, 
which forms the boundary line of Laronde and Lacoste, 
and leaving one hundred men in charge of the horses, 
he advanced rapidly with Beale's rifles on his left in 
extended order, skirting the swamp. When he had 
reached the boundary line of Yillere's, and believed 
that he had gained the enemy's right, he wheeled his 
column to the right, and advanced with front face to 
the river. The Eifles on his left spread themselves over 
Yillere's, and penetrated the very centre of the British 
camp, killing many of the enemy and taking several 
prisoners. 



174 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Whilst advancing, Coffee ordered Ins men to be sure 
of their mark in firing, not to lose a shot, and to fire at 
short distance. They were soon engaged with the out- 
posts, and the quick-sighted Tennesseeans had picked off 
several sentinels before their approach was known, so 
noiseless and wily did they move. Soon, however, the 
British 85th rushed forward to meet them, and the two 
lines became warmly engaged. Both sides were remark- 
able for their sharp-shooting. The 85th were light 
infantry, and had long enjoyed a high reputation for the 
efficient manner in which they handled their guns. 
But the Tennesseeans were more than a match for them. 
They fired faster and with greater accuracy. The Brit- 
ish suffered severely, losing several officers, among 
others Major Harris, the Brigade Major. 

For some time the battle raged fiercely in this part 
of the field, but without much order or system. It was 
a war of detachments and duels. The officers would 
hastily collect small bodies of men, as they could find 
them, and starting out in pursuit of a hostile detach- 
ment, would rush at them, and soon be mingled in a 
hand-to-hand fight. Owing to the darkness, friends 
could not be distinguished from foes, and not a few fell 
by the bullets of their companions and fellow-soldiers. 
Approaching within a few yards of one another, they 
would shout some vague name or call, beating, as it were, 
around the bush, to ascertain who their neighbors were 
before delivering their fire. In these manoeuvres, as 
each party could disguise his character to get nearer his 
enemy, many lamentable mistakes were made on both 
sides, by which several brave men lost their lives. ' 

Among Lacoste's negro cabins several parties of the 
British Ilifles were posted, who kept up a running fire 



BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 175 

on Coffee's right companies. The Tennesseeans, how- 
ever, recognizing the sharp crack of the rifle, gave these 
parties the preference, and directed their particular 
attention to them. It required severe fighting to dis- 
lodge the Rifles ; but they were soon beaten with their 
own weapons. The short rifle of the English service 
was not equal to the long and deadly instrument of the 
western hunter and Indian fighter. For many years 
after, the huts of Lacoste bore striking proofs of the 
accuracy of the aim of the Tennesseeans, and of the 
severity of the combat in this part of the field. Con- 
cealing themselves behind the huts, the British waited 
until the Tennesseeans got into the midst of them. Then 
they rushed forward and engaged with them hand to 
hand. Neither party having bayonets they were forced 
to club their guns, and thus many fine rifles were ruined. 
But the more cautious of the Tennesseeans preferred their 
long knives and tomahawks to thus endangering that 
arm which is their chief reliance in war, their insepara- 
ble companion in peace and war. Many a British sol- 
dier who was found dead on the field, with heavy gashes 
on his forehead, or deep stabs in his bosom, and who 
was buried under the conviction that he came to his 
death by that military and chivalric weapon, the sword, 
fell, in fact, beneath those more barbarous instruments 
which the Tennesseeans had learned from the savages to 
wield with deadly skill — the tomahawk and hunting- 
knife. After being driven from the grove at Lacoste's, 
the Hifles fell back before Coffee's steady advance, ral- 
lying, however, as they were joined by fresh reinforce- 
ments, and keeping up a continuous fire on the Tennes- 
seeans. At last they gained the old levee, not far from 
the road, and preferring for the time the peril of the 



176 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Carolina's broadsides to the unerring rifles of the Ten- 
nesseeans, they took post behind the levee on the river 
side. This position was deemed too strong by Coffee to 
be carried. Besides he did not wish to expose his men 
to the unceasing lire of the Carolina. Accordingly, he 
sent a dispatch to Jackson acquainting him with his 
position, and received in return an order to join the 
right division. 

If the design of Plauche of "charging the already 
retiring line of the British had not been prevented by 
Colonel Boss, the two divisions would have united, and 
thus the British left would have been inevitably cut off. 
But in the meantime the right column of Jackson, find- 
ing the fog too thick, had fallen back to its original 
position, and Coffee following it, at last took up position 
near the old levee, where the battle had commenced, 
from which he kept up an irregular fire on the British 
stragglers and outposts. It was while moving in this 
direction, that Major Mitchell, commanding the British 
95th (an officer who had won great distinction in leading 
the storming party at Cieudad Rodrigo, and in other 
actions in the Peninsular war), advanced towards the 
British right for the purpose of ascertaining the charac- 
ter of the men who were approaching. As the 93d 
Highlanders were expected every moment to reach the 
camp, Major Mitchell was strongly impressed with the 
belief that Coffee's men, who wore hunting-shirts, 
which, in the dark, were not unlike the Highland frock, 
were the men of the 93d, and greatly needing their aid, 
lie eagerly advanced, calling out, " Are those the 93d ?" 
" Of course," shouted the Tennesseeans, who had no par- 
ticular number. Mitchell thereupon pushed boldly for- 
ward within a few feet of the men, when Captain Don- 






BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 177. 

aldson stepped in front, and slapping the astounded 
Briton on the shoulder, called out, " You are my pris- 
oner," and requested the Major's sword. This request 
was enforced by half a dozen long rifles which covered 
his body at every assailable point.* 

With infinite mortification the gallant Major surren- 
dered, and with several other prisoners was borne off by 
the Tennesseeans. Though at the moment of his capture, 
and subsequently, Major Mitchell was treated with the 
kindness and generosity due to a gallant foe, he never 
recovered his good humor, and embraced every oppor- 
tunity of exhibiting his spleen and disgust. The oblique 
movement of Coffee's brigade to the right produced 
some disasters which were sorely lamented by the 
Americans. 

In the last charge of Coffee, just before he received 
the order to retire, the left of his line, including two 
hundred Tennesseeans and Beale's Eines, under Colonels 
Dyer and Gibson, got separated from that portion which 
moved under Coffee's immediate command. The British 
perceived the gap, and immediately rushed into it, 
forming a strong line of troops between Coffee and Dyer. 
To this line Dyer hastened, trusting it was Coffee's. On 
approaching, they were hailed by the British, ordered 
to stop and report who they were. Dyer and Gibson 
advanced and called out that they were the Second 
Division of Tennesseeans. Observing that his answer 
was not understood, he ordered his men to wheel and 
retire towards the swamp. As they were retiring, the 



* It was rather an apochryphal additon to this story which was no douht provoked 
by the haughty demeanor of Mitchell, that when captured, seeing a tomahawk in the 
hands of one of his swarthy foes, he cried out with an expression of great terror, 
" Oh ! Mr. Indian don't scalp me !— don't scalp me !" 



178 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

British opened a heavy fire upon them, and then charged. 
In the retreat Gibson stumbled and fell, and a British 
soldier, more active than his companions, reached him 
before he could rise and pinned him to the ground with 
his bayonet. Fortunately the bayonet only pierced his 
flesh, and Gibson, who was an active and powerful man, 
seized the musket, and forcing it from his assailant, 
knocked him down and then escaped to his companions. 
Col. Dyer had retreated but fifty yards when his horse 
was shot, himself wounded, and entangled with the 
dying animal, which lay upon his legs. At this moment, 
when his capture or death seemed inevitable, he had 
the presence of mind to order his men to halt and 
return the enemy's fire ; they did so, and the British 
were checked, and the Colonel was enabled, with the 
aid of some of his men, to release himself. Finally, the 
whole party of Tennesseeans succeeded in reaching 
Coffee. There was a portion of Dyer's command which 
was not so fortunate. 

On the extreme left of the Tennesseeans were Beale's 
Bifles, extended in open order for some distance across 
Lacoste's and into Yillere's field. Fighting singly, or 
in small squads, they had penetrated the very centre of 
the British camp, and gave such annoyance to the ene- 
my as to lead to the belief that they composed a whole 
regiment, Whilst pressing forward the Bifles became 
separated into two parties, by the fence and ditch of 
Lacoste's ; and when Coffee moved towards the right, 
the party of the Bifles on the extreme left did not 
observe the movement and follow it. The consequence 
was, that they were cut off by the British closing in 
between them and the first division of the company. 
Finding themselves thus cut off, the Bifles separated 



BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 179 

and endeavored to escape by starting in different direc- 
tions. One party of them retreated in the direction of 
the swamp, and had nearly reached it, when they ob- 
served a line of men advancing from the swamp towards 
them. Deceived in the same manner, in which Mitchell 
had been, they concluded from the dress of the men 
that they were Coffee's " Hunters," and eagerly pressed 
forward calling out : — 

" Where is the first division ?" 

" Here they are," was the reply, with a broad Scotch 
accent, and the line closed in upon them at a charge, 
and the gleaming bayonets produced the sad conviction 
on the minds of the Rifles that they had been entrapped 
and must surrender. They were immediately taken in 
charge by a detachment of the British, and hurried 
towards the canal, where they arrived just in time to be 
placed in the boats which had brought their captors, 
who proved to be the Grenadier company of the 93d 
Highlanders. These prisoners were taken down the 
bayou to the fleet. 

Those who were thus captured embraced several of 
the most respectable citizens of New Orleans. Among 
them were Benjamin Story, Esq., long one of the most 
respected, wealthy and prosperous merchants and bankers 
of the city, and for many years President of the Bank 
of Louisiana ; William Flower, one of the oldest mer- 
chants of the city, who now survives at a very advanced 
age. These two gentlemen had been badly wounded. 
There was also among the "prisoners the late John Lynd, 
and that wild rollicking citizen, of Irish birth, famous 
for his wit and valor, Kenny Laverty. Others of the 
Rifles endeavored to escape by the river, and a few 
succeeded. Two of them, however, were not so fortu- 



ISO JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

nate. They were Denis Prieur, late Collector of the 
Port of New Orleans, several times Mayor of the city, 
and one of the most sagacious, enlightened and intel- 
ligent public officers whom the city and State have ever 
employed, and a Scotchman by the name of McGillvray. 
After remaining together for some time, these two 
gentlemen agreed to separate. McGillvray was to en- 
deavor to escape by the river, and Prieur through La- 
coste's field. Accordingly they parted. Prieur advanced 
towards the right, keeping under cover of a fence until 
he thought he was beyond reach, and then started in 
full run across the field. He had not gone far before 
coming to a ditch ; he leaped it, and suddenly found 
himself surrounded by twenty British soldiers, to whom 
he surrendered. McGillvray was captured after being 
wounded. These were the last captures of the British. 
Prieur, who was a Creole, was taken to General Keane's 
headquarters, where the General held a long conversa- 
tion with him, and endeavored to impress upon his 
mind the idea that the British did not come to Louisiana 
to wage war against the ancient population, but to oust 
the Yankees, who had no right to the country, and 
ought not to be tolerated by the Creoles. The General, 
however, had more than his match in Prieur, than whom 
there are few more sagacious and astute men. He par- 
ried the General's interrogatories very adroitly, except 
the one relative to Jackson's force, which, of course, he 
was too shrewd not to exaggerate. Satisfied that he 
had made a very deep impression upon the unsophisti- 
cated young Creole, Keane ordered him to be released 
on his parole. Accordingly, early next morning, Prieur 
had the pleasure to rejoin Jackson's army at Kodriguez 
Canal. 






BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 181 



Keane subsequently complained very savagely of the 
bad faith of the Creoles, who, not appreciating his kind- 
ness to them, had been the most active and ferocious 
enemies of the British, from the commencement to the 
close of the campaign. He should have remembered 
that he who endeavors to tamper with the loyalty and 
patriotism of a free people offers the most serious pro- 
vocation and insult, and justifies a greater bitterness of 
hostility and severer punishments than were dealt out 
to the British on the plains of Villere. 

The other captive " Bifles," did not fare so well. They 
were taken to the British fleet then lying off Ship Island, 
and subjected for some time, as prisoners of war, to 
many hardships. We have mentioned among the names 
of those prisoners those of John Lynd and Kenny 
Laverty. Lynd was a notary public, a quaint, sedate 
and solemn-visaged, but very shrewd and sagacious 
person. Upon the strength of his profession, having 
been connected with the administration of law, the 
British founded the humorous conceit, which has been 
recorded in several publications, that in the capture of 
the twenty-two members of Beale's rifles, they had ac- 
tually taken prisoners all the lawyers and notaries of 
New Orleans. Such a capture would have deprived 
Jackson of no less than five aids who were really the 
leading members of the Bar of the city, to wit : Edward 
Livingston, John B. Grymes, Abner L. Duncan, Deve- 
zac and P. L. B. Duplessis. Lynd and Laverty, the 
latter on account of a most alarmingly treacherous 
brogue, and the former for his sanctimonious gravity, 
became frequent butts for the gibes of the British offi- 
cers. Unfortunately, however, for their reputation as 
wits, they obtained but few victories in their encounters 



182 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

with the dry, solemn and quaint notary and the quick- 
witted Irishman. Many instances of their discomfiture 
are related by the old people, who cherish with much 
devotion the stories and the witticisms, however simple, 
of the times in which they played their parts. On one 
occasion the prisoners, being taunted with a want of 
hospitality and generosity towards their visitors, who 
had been led to believe that they would be received 
with much pomp, and entertained with dinners and 
balls," the ready Irishman replied, " and faith we did 
receive you with balls — and as for the dinners, from 
what we had heard of ye, we thought you could pro- 
vide for yourselves." This was a delicate allusion to 
the hen-roost-robbing reputation, which the British 
brought from the Chesapeake, and probably to the 
threat of Sir Alexander Cochrane, to eat his Christmas 
dinner at New Orleans. 

During their detention in the fleet, the prisoners, as 
well as the sailors, were placed on half rations. This 
was a sore trial to Americans, Orleanians, who were 
accustomed to an abundance of the luxuries and com- 
forts of life. One day, as some of the officers of the 
fleet were amusing themselves by catching sharks near 
Cat Island, where they abound, Sir Alexander Cochrane, 
who was looking on, remarked that he never saw fish 
bite so greedily. 

" Probably yer honor, they are like meself, prisoners 
on half rations," respectfully suggested Laverty, with a 
face an ell long. When it was suggested, in allusion to 
his " rich Irish brogue," that the British Government 
might treat him as a deserter, whose allegiance had 
never been surrendered, Laverty, with an air of great 
gravity, asseverated that lie had " drawn his first breath 






BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 183 



in a pretty little village, in the good old State of Phila- 
delphia," which declaration he subsequently justified 
by the ingenious explanation that no man breathed at 
all before he breathed the air of liberty. Strongly con- 
trasted with Laverty's light-hearted jollity was the ora- 
cular solemnity of his sedate companion, who never 
omitted an opportunity of warning the British of the 
gloomy fete which awaited them when General Jackson 
should get fairly aroused. When the British would 
boast of their achievements on the 23d December, — 
they would be awe-stricken by the mysterious and dole- 
ful expression, the ominous shaking of the head and 
rolling of the eye-balls, with which the American seer 
would accompany his invariable and prophetic reply — 
" Oh, the end has not come yet ! the end has not come 
yet !" The ship in which the prisoners were detained 
was the Eoyal Oak. At the time they were taken 
aboard the captain was absent. On his return to his 
ship, what w r as the captain's surprise to recognize, in 
Mr. Pollock, one of the prisoners, a bosom friend who 
had officiated as groomsman for him at his marriage, 
which event had occurred in New York, previous to the 
war. Of course, the friends forgot they w T ere nationally 
enemies, and soon became as cordial and happy as if 
the two nations which they were respectively serving 
were living on the very best terms. In consequence of 
this recognition, the captain of the Royal Oak caused 
a very elegant dinner to be prepared for the prisoners, 
which was attended by all the officers of the Royal 
Oak and several of the other ships. The dinner was 
quite a jovial and protracted one. There was an abun- 
dance of good old wine, of which the Americans par- 
took with such gusto as might be expected in men who 



184: JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

had been on " short commons " for several days. This 
indulgence came near destroying the harmony of the 
occasion, as some political allusions having been drop- 
ped by some of the British officers, several of the 
Americans fired up and declared that they could whip 
the British, man to man, — Kenny Laverty offering to 
take for " his share two of the brawniest chaps in the 
fleet." But the ill-feeling and exaltation passed with 
the fumes of the liquor, and thenceforward the relations 
of the parties were pleasant and amicable. 

Much less sensible, though perhaps more dignified, 
was the conduct of the principal British officer, who 
was captured by the Americans on the night of the 23d, 
Major Samuel Mitchell, of the 95th Rifles, whose mis- 
fortune has been related above. The Major's disgust and 
chagrin were visibly increased when he learned the 
character of his captors. It was while suffering under 
these feelings, after he had arrived in the rear of the 
American camp, in charge of a guard of Coffee's men, 
that Mr. Harrod, of the Quartermaster's Department, 
(and now a respected merchant of New Orleans) waited 
upon him at the order of General Jackson, with the 
compliments of the General, and a request that he would 
inform Mr. Harrod what he needed in the way of cloth- 
ing and other comforts, and his wants would be imme- 
diately attended to. The Major, swelling witli pride 
and chagrin, replied, " Return my compliments to Gene- 
ral Jackson and say, that as my baggage will reach me 
in a few days, I shall be able to dispense with his polite 
attentions." Had the Major persisted in this rash deter- 
mination, he would never have been in a condition to 
partake of the hospitalities which were lavished upon 
him, during his necessarily disagreeable detention in 



BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 185 

New Orleans, and in Natchez, to which place the pri- 
soners were sent by Jackson. 

It was whilst on the journey to Natchez, that the 
Major stopped at night at the hospitable mansion of Mr. 
Sauve, a sugar planter, residing some twelve or fifteen 
miles above New Orleans, by whom he was invited to 
take a seat at the family supper table. • One of Mr. 
Sauvos daughters, now the estimable, Mrs. Trudeau, 
vras then in the bloom of her beauty, and the admira- 
tion of the country around for her many charms and 
accomplishments. The Major being a gallant and re- 
fined gentleman, who spoke French fluently, soon be- 
came engaged in a lively conversation with the beautiful 
Creole. Allusion having been made, in the course ol 
this conversation, to Jackson's army, Miss Sauve spoke 
with great enthusiasm of a party of Tennesseeans, whom 
her father had entertained a few days before. The cir- 
cumstances of his capture still preying upon the mind 
of the haughty Briton, he could not refrain from observ- 
ing to her — " Miss, it astonishes me that one so refined 
can find pleasure in the society of such rude barba- 
rians." 

"Major," replied the high-spirited Creole belle, "I 
had rather be the wife of one of those hardy and coarsely- 
clad, but brave and honest men, who have marched 
through a wilderness of two thousand miles to fight for 
the honor of their country, than to wear an English 
coronet." 

Let us return to our narrative of the events of the 23d. 
Jackson, seeing it impossible to efTect anything further, 
owing to the heavy fog which now enveloped the field, 
had drawn off the men of his division and posted them 
among Laronde's buildings. Coffee, following this 



186 JACKSON AND NEW OELEANS. 

movement, had inclined the same direction,, and taken 
up position nearly on Jackson's left. Before, however, 
all the men of the two divisions could be assembled to- 
gether at these points many detachments and small 
parties had wandered off from the main lines and con- 
tinued the combat in various parts of the field, to the 
great annoyance of the British, who, with such enemies, 
never knew when the battle ended. In these detached 
operations many deeds of personal daring were per- 
formed, which have no place in history. Swords were 
crossed and bayonets locked ; pistols were used at a few 
paces. It was a night of duels. Many men, who had 
never been engaged in personal combats before, were 
that night transformed into heroes, and fought like prac- 
ticed veterans. Many whose whole careers since-have 
been characterized by the greatest gentleness and peace- 
fulness, were that night as ferocious as tigers and brave 
as lions. The present generation can scarcely realize the 
truth of history, when they see in those mild, gentle and 
amiable old men, who on public anniversaries assemble 
around the tattered and time-worn banner of the " Vete- 
rans of 1814 and '15," the survivors of the terrible scenes 
of that memorable night-battle. A British officer, who 
participated in this bloody action, bears the following 
graphic testimony to its severity and sanguinary char- 
acter : 

" In wandering over the field, the most shocking and disgusting 
sights everywhere presented themselves. I have frequently beheld 
a greater number of dead bodies in as small a compass, though these, 
indeed, were numerous enough ; but wounds more disfiguring or 
more horrible I certainly never witnessed. A man shot through 
the head or heart, lies as if he were in deep slumber, insomuch that 
when you gaze upon him, you experience little less than pity. But 



BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 187 

of these, many had met their death from bayonet wounds, sabre 
cuts, or heavy blows from the butt-ends of muskets, and the con- 
sequence was, that not only were the wounds themselves exceed- 
ingly frightful, but the very countenances of the dead exhibited 
the most savage and ghastly expressions. Friends and foes lay to- 
gether in small groups of five- or six — nor was it difficult to tell the 
very hand by which some of them had fallen. Nay, such had been 
the deadly closeness of the strife, that, in one or two places, an 
English and American soldier might be seen with the -bayonet of 
each fastened in the other's body." 

Jackson Lad accomplished more than he expected by 
this attack. He had not destroyed the British, but he 
had impressed them with a proper awe and respect for 
him. He had given them the first of a series of blows, 
which he felt satisfied would eventuate in their rout. 
He had in a few hours made his raw levies veterans. 
They were now ready and eager for service. They had 
been under fire. All that indecision and nervousness of 
fresh troops, when first subjected to this test, had been 
supplanted by cool courage, confidence and self-reliance. 
A few hours of real service had supplied months, nay 
years, of theoretical training. Besides, the enemy were 
astounded by the vigor of the attack, and erroneously 
ascribed it to the overwhelming* force of Jackson. 
Keane, in his dispatch, magnifies Jackson's army into 
five thousand men. "Whatever might be its number, it 
was evident that it was quite a different army — so 
Thornton and the men of the 85th and 4th thought — 
from that which they encountered at Bladensburg. " This 
boldly attacking us in our camp is a new feature in 
American warfare," was the general observation of the 
British officers. Such an attack was well calculated to 
make the British General pause and determine to delay 
his advance until his whole force had come up from the 



188 JACESON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Lake. He never imagined that with the troops. which 
had reached him before the battle was over, he conld 
have outnumbered and overwhelmed Jackson, and 
marched into the city. Hence the great importance of 
the battle of the 23d. It was the master-stroke of 
Jackson's genius. It was entirely his own idea and 
plan. Many of his officers deemed it the height of rash- 
ness. But all were willing to follow him, and when 
his spirit animated them fears and doubts disappeared.^. 
In the- execution of his plan, he was ably seconded by 
his officers. ISTo men conld have behaved better than 
Coffee, Piatt, Plauche, Peire, D'Aquin, McEea, and 
others. Coffee appeared to be in every part of his ex- 
tended line at the same time. Cool and self-possessed, 
he kept his men well together, and restrained, within 
the bounds of prudence, the natural impetuosity of the 
frontier-fighter, which is continually pushing him for- 
ward to fight " on his own hook." The Tennesseeans 
fought with great steadiness and gallantry. No body 
of men could have behaved better than the 7th Infantry, 
under the gallant Creole officer Major Peire, a native 
of New Orleans. The 44th, a younger and newer regi- 
ment, under Captain Baker, had a very severe service 
and exposed situation, being compelled continually to 
oblique to the left to prevent the British from outflank- 
ing them. This duty they performed with great valor 
and steadiness. Plauche's Battalion bore itself with 
the most brilliant courage, and moved with the preci- 
sion of regulars, forming into battalion under a heavy 
fire, and charging the enemy until he was forced back. 
D'Aquin supported Plauche promptly and efficiently 
with his Battalion of Free colored men. The marines 
on the river were very efficient in protecting the artil- 



BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 189 

lery, which, during the whole action, played with great 
effect upon the enemy's camp. Owing to the numerous 
ditches and fences, Hinds' Dragoons were not brought 
into action, but maintained their position in the centre 
of Laronde's plantation. Nor did the British bear them- 
selves with less than their usual valor on this occasion. 
Though surprised and taken at great disadvantage, the 
veterans of the Peninsular campaigns sustained the re- 
putation which they had won in a hundred combats 
with Napoleon's renowned armies. From the nature of 
the combat, the officers had to take the lead in fighting, 
and they were always in their places. Their heavy loss 
proves the severity of the conflict and the ardor of both 
officers and men. The British had at least four hundred 
officers and men placed hors die combat in this affair. 
Their reported loss was three hundred and five killed, 
wounded and missing.* The number of the latter was 
eighty-five. The American loss was twenty-four killed, 
and one hundred and fifteen wounded and seventy-four 
prisoners — in all two hundred and thirteen. 

Among the Americans no loss was more deeply 
lamented than that of Lieutenant Colonel Lauderdale, 
of Coffee's Brigade, who fell in the charge on Lacoste's 
huts, by the ball of one of the 95th Rifles. Lauderdale 
was an officer of high promise, of undaunted courage, 
great address, and decided military capacity. He had 
served with distinction under Coffee in the Indian wars, 
and enjoyed the warm admiration and confidence of 
Jackson. Lieutenant McClelland, who, at the head of 
the 7th, fell whilst leading the charge and opening the 
action, was esteemed one of the most energetic and 

* The author of the " Campaigns, etc.," states the British loss at five hundred. 



190 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

promising officers of that gallant regiment, which, from 
its origin to the present day, has maintained its reputa- 
tion unsullied. 

The British, too, lost some of their best officers. In 
addition to Major Harris, of the 85th, acting as Major 
of the Brigade, Captain Grey, another excellent officer 
of the same corps, was also killed by a rifle ball, des- 
cribed as so small that it scarcely left a mark on the 
forehead which it had penetrated. The 21st lost an 
excellent officer, a Captain Corsan, and the 4th a dis- 
tinguished Peninsular Jiero in Captain Johnstone. Lieu- 
tenant John Souther, of the same regiment, was also 
killed. Of the severely wounded, there were Lieute- 
nant Colonel Stoven, since Sir Frederick Stoven, Assist- 
ant Adjutant-General ; Major Hooper, also Assistant 
Adjutant-General, who lost a leg, and Lieutenant Delacy 
Evans, of the 3d Dragoons, Deputy Assistant Quarter- 
Master General, an officer who has since acquired dis- 
tinction as Sir Delacy Evans, a prominent member of 
the House of Commons of Great Britain, as General of 
a Spanish Legion in the Carlist revolution, and late 
commander of one of the divisions in the British army 
in the expedition to the Crimea, Lieutenant J. Christie, 
of the Royal artillery ; Moody, of the 4th ; Captain Knox, 
Lieutenants "Will in gs, Maunsell and Hickson, of the 
85th, Captain William, Lieutenants Forbes and Farmer, 
of the 95th, were all severely wounded, several losing 
limbs and being incapacitated for further service. Major 
Mitchell, of the 95th, Lieutenant W. Walker, and en- 
sign Ashlier, of the 85th, were taken prisoners. 

The author of the narrative of British Campaigns at 
Washington and New Orleans, presents the following 
harrowing picture of the spectacle, which was exhibited 



BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 191 

by the British Hospital, after the battle of the 23d. "We 
should remark that General Keane had vacated Yillere's 
house, aud the hospital had been established there :— 

" Every room in the house was crowded with wretches, mangled 
and apparently in the most excruciating agonies. Prayers, groans 
and, I grieve to add, the most horrid imprecations smote upon the 
ear, wherever I turned. Some lay at length upon the straw, with 
eyes half closed and limbs motionless ; some endeavored to start 
up, shrieking with pain, while the wandering eye and incoherent 
speech of others, indicated the loss of reason, and usually foretold 
the approach of death. But there was one among the rest, whose 
appearance was too terrible ever to be forgotten. He had been 
shot through the windpipe, and the breath making its way between 
the skin and the flesh, had dilated him to a size absolutely terrific. 
His head and face were particularly shocking. Every feature was 
enlarged beyond what can well be imagined, while his eyes were 
completely hidden by the cheeks and the forehead, as to destroy 
all resemblance to an human countenance. Passing through the 
apartments where the private soldiers lay, I next came to those 
occupied by officers. Of these there were five or six in one small 
room, to whom little better accommodations could be provided 
than to their inferiors. It was a sight peculiarly distressing, be- 
cause all of them chanced to be personal acquaintances of my own. 
One had been shot in the head and lay gasping and insensible. 
Another had recived a musket ball in the belly, which had passed 
through and lodged in the backbone. The former appeared to 
suffer but little, giving no signs of life, except what a heavy breath- 
ing produced ; the latter was in the most dreadful agony, scream- 
ing out and gnawing the covering under which he lay. There 
were many others there, some severely and others slightly hurt." 

As to the forces engaged on the 23d, the usual estimates 
are very erroneous. Jackson marched from the city 
in the afternoon of the 23d with 2132 men and two 
cannons. Deducting the men left in charge of Coffee's 
horses and Hinds' Dragoons, there were not 1800 men 






192 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

engaged. This was very near the number of the British 
advance which had reached the river at noon. When 
it is considered that the troops on the one side were 
entirely new levies, few of the regulars having been in 
action, the disparity will be very glaring. But during 
the action the British were reinforced. After the depart- 
ure of Thornton with the advance from Pea Island, a 
large portion of the remainder of Keane's army were 
placed in the small schooners and gun-boats, which fol- 
lowed the flotilla and arrived near the mouth of the 
Bienvenu about four o'clock in the afternoon. There 
they were met by the returning boats and barges, and 
were speedily disembarked. 

Proceeding up the bayou, these troops, comprising a 
part of Brook's Brigade, could distinctly hear the firing 
of the Carolina, which announced the commencement 
,of the battle. Pressing forward with all haste, they 
reached the field in time to take part in the action. The 
93d Highlanders were the first to gain the camp, and a 
detachment of them was met by orders from Keane, to 
push forward with bayonets against Coffee's line, which 
was hastening to join the American right. They did 
not succeed, however, in reaching Coffee, w T ho, after de- 
livering a heavy fire, continued to oblique towards the 
position which he afterwards maintained. Four com- 
panies of the 21st also arrived in time to protect the 
British right. Prom these facts, which are admitted in 
Keane's report of the action of the 23d, it will be seen 
that besides Thornton's advance of 1800 men, there were 
four companies of the 21st and several of the 93d, actu- 
ally engaged, making the whole number of the British 
army on the night of the 23d, about twenty-five hun- 
dred men. This estimate is confirmed by the dispatch 



BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 193 



r er 



of Sir Alexander Cochrane. This inequality, howev 
was more than compensated by the efficiency of the 
batteries of the Carolina, which, during the whole ac- 
tion, kept up its fire on the British camp, and continued 
it long after the battle was over. 

The newly arrived troops encamped as they came 
upon the field, extending from the woods as far towards 
the river, that the advance, by wheeling up, might 
complete the line from the river to the swamp. But the 
advance was still fastened to the levee by that unspar- 
ing schooner, whose batteries seemed in one continual 
blaze, and whose grape-shot rained on the field like 
hail. It was only when all the fires were extinguished 
and perfect darkness shrouded the field, that the Caro- 
lina weighed anchor and moved to the other side of the 
river, keeping, however, a close eye on the British all 
the while. 

Keane's army passed a miserable night. The men lay 
on the damp ground without any covering, exposed to 
a thick fog, which appeared to combine all the discom- 
forts of rain and frost. Few were allowed to sleep even 
under these uncomfortable circumstances, a large num- 
ber being required for outpost duty, and attendance on 
the wounded. Comfortless as the night was, the British 
had but little satisfaction in anticipating the break of 
day, as it would only expose their position to the fire of 
the schooner, which had already so grievously distressed 
them. 

And so it proved, though even worse than was appre- 
hended. On the morning of the 24th, the Louisiana, a 
merchant ship, fitted up as a war vessel, joined the Ca- 
rolina, and as soon as light exposed the British camp, 
both vessels opened their batteries with most destruc- 

9 



194 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

tive effect. All that clay was the British advance com- 
pelled to cling to the protection of the levee, so that 
even parties that were sent ont to collect the wounded 
and bury the dead, were frequently compelled to aban- 
don these duties. 

Such was the pitiable condition of the British army 
from its arrival until the night of the 24th, when the 
men were ordered to withdraw from the levee and en- 
camp behind the sugar-house and outbuildings of La- 
coste. Acccordingly they filed off to the right, com- 
pany by company, and passing through the village of 
negro huts, established themselves in the field beyond, 
interposing the chateau, the out-buildings, sugar-house 
and negro huts between them and their untiring perse- 
cutors. A small picket was left to occupy the levee 
and river bank. This movement secured the British 
some comfort and peace, of which they immediately 
commenced to avail themselves by lighting fires and 
cooking their suppers. Many of them had become so 
cramped with cold and inaction, during their supine 
position under the levee, that they found it necessary to 
rub their limbs with spirits before the circulation of 
blood could be' restored. 

"What in the meantime had Jackson done with his 
little army ? Satisfied, indeed elated with the results 
of the action of the 23d, Jackson determined to estab- 
lish his camp right in front of the British. Leaving the 
f th Infantry and a company of Dragoons at La Sonde's, 
he fell back nearer the city to Rodriguez' Canal, where 
the men proceeded to entrench themselves in such rude 
and inartificial manner as might occur to raw soldiers. 
The whole of the 24th was thus consumed. Sending to 
town for all the spades and other instruments suitable 



BATTLE OF DECEMBER 23, 1814. 195 



for digging, the men set to work with the greatest viva- 
city, widening the canal and throwing up the dirt on 
the bank nearest to the city. Though the great majority 
of them were unused to manual toil, there was no want of 
zeal or energy in their work. A rivalry sprung up, whi ch 
could build the highest mound in front of his position or 
dig the ditch deepest. Each soldier claimed the mound in 
his front as his " castle," and such was the value attached 
to these " castles" that the General was induced to 
countermand an order he had given for the whole line 
to incline to the left to make room for a small reinforce- 
ment, by the strong remonstrance of the soldiers, who 
placed a higher value on their own than their neighbor's 
work. The results of this zealous industry were sur- 
prising. On the 21th the whole front of Jackson's line 
was pretty well covered by a mound of three or more 
feet high. On the extreme right the two six pounders, 
which had been used on the 23d; were placed in battery, 
so as to command the road. 

On that very day, the 24th December, 1814-, the treaty 
of peace between Great Britain and the United States 
was completed and duly signed at Ghent by the com- 
missioners of the two nations. It is a painful reflection 
that all the scenes of strife and bloodshed which we 
shall describe occurred after the two countries had, 
through their representatives, established and agreed 
upon a firm and lasting peace and friendship. The 
reproach and responsibility of such unnatural and un- 
fortunate events must ever attach to that nation which, 
during the discussion and negotiation of a treaty of 
peace, secretly fitted out and dispatched a warlike expe- 
dition against the nation with which it was then holding 
a parley. 



196 JACKSON AND NEW OKLEANS. 

It was in strengthening these entrenchments and in 
burnishing their arms, the soldiers of Jackson spent that 
day which they were wont to devote to social pleasures 
and festivities, and which was associated in their memo- 
ries and hearts with the tenderest and most delightful 
scenes of domestic life and social peace and happiness. 
A stern sense of duty and an ardent patriotism sustained 
them under discomforts and deprivations, which were 
rendered more palpable from contrast with the cus- 
tomary festivities and light-hearted merriments which, 
among all Christian people, mark the recurrence of the 
anniversary of the great founder of Christianity. 






SIR EDWARD PACKENHAM. 197 



X. 

SIE EDWARD PACKENHAM. 

It would be difficult to imagine a gloomier clay than 
the Christmas of eighteen hundred and fourteen, as 
passed by the sons of Merrie England, in their damp, 
miserable, exposed and desolate camp on the plantation 
of Villere. The few luxuries, which an extended pre- 
datory search of the neighboring plantations had enabled 
them to collect on the first day after their arrival, in the 
enjoyment of which they had been so disagreeably in- 
terrupted by their active enemy, were exhausted, and 
now officers and soldiers were reduced to the very worst 
kind of salt provisions and weevily biscuit. Such sup- 
plies for such troops were certainly discreditable to their 
commissariat. Fortunately, however, they were vete- 
rans, and could bear up against every hardship and 
deprivation .> 

Under these circumstances, it would have displayed 
marvelous philosophy and equanimity in the British 
soldiers, if even the genial associations of Christmas 
could have imparted a ray of cheerfulness to the gather- 
ing gloom which hung over the camp and enveloped the 
minds of officers and men. 

The spirits of the soldiers had been greatly depressed 
since the action of the 23d. All that remained to sus- 
tain them was the morale and discipline for which the 



198 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

British soldiers, particularly the veterans of the Penin- 
sula, are so distinguished. Besides, they were slightly 
encouraged by intimations of expected reinforcements, 
which would render their entrance into the city certain 
and glorious. Amid all their disasters and difficulties, 
the conquerors of Napoleon's veterans could not bring 
their minds to regard it possible, or within the decree of 
Providence, that they should be foiled, prostrated, routed 
and disgraced by raw militia, led by an Indian fighter, 
who was ignorant of even the first rudiments of military 
science. 

In all circumstances, and conditions, too, men of the 
Saxon and Celtic stock will divide into parties and 
factions and engage in feuds and controversies. The 
British camp was not free from these dissensions. They 
turned chiefly upon the wisdom of General Keane's 
course in his mode of landing, and in delaying to advance 
upon the city. Keane's friends and adherents defended 
him by hinting that the honor of achieving the great 
result was reserved for some more distinguished person- 
age and pet of the ministry. The grade and previous 
service of General Keane, then quite a young officer, 
and the fact that he had been sent out as second to Poss, 
evinced very clearly that it was not the intention of the 
British Cabinet to entrust him with so important a com- 
mand. 

Some greater personage was hourly expected, and 
there, on the bleak and cheerless plain, the army would 
be detained until he arrived to lead them into the city. 
It would be fortunate for the military reputation of 
General Keane if this suggestion of his friends were 
founded on fact. It would relieve him of a heavy load 
of censure, which has always attached to his military 



SIR EDWAED PACKENHAM. 199 

character, from the apparent want of decision, prompti- 
tude and military sagacity displayed in his failure to 
advance, on his arrival on the banks of the Mississippi, 
and in his inactivity after the battle of the twenty-third. 

These blunders were felt, acknowledged and discussed 
by every soldier in the British camp, and though excused 
and palliated by the pretexts alluded to, they produced 
a want of confidence in the General, and a desire for 
some more experienced and renowned chief to lead 
them. 

Such a chief appeared in the British camp quite 
suddenly on the morning of that gloomy Christmas, and 
by his presence communicated relief, hope, and even 
vivacity to the dejected spirits of the army. And well 
might such a presence produce such eifects upon the 
veterans of Wellington, for among the commanders, 
whom the brilliant campaigns of Spain had brought 
into conspicuous notice, there was not one who enjoyed 
more of the esteem, respect, and admiration of the Bri- 
tish soldiers, than the Hero of Salamanca, the Hon. Sir 
Edward M. Fackenkam, Lieutenant General and Colonel 
of the 7th Foot (Foyal Fusiliers). ■ Sir Edward was a 
son of the Earl of Longford, of the county of Antrim, 
Ireland — whose daughter had been married to the Duke 
of Wellington. The family has always been noted for 
military ardor and heroism, and has contributed several 
distinguished commanders to both the army and navy 
of Great Britain. Quite recently the nephew and 
namesake of Sir Edward, Lieut. Colonel Edward Fack- 
enham, of the Grenadier Guards, fell gallantly fighting 
at the head of his regiment in the bloody battle of 
Inkermann on the 5th of November, 1854. He had 
previously won a brevet and the warm praise of his 



200 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

commander by his gallantry at the battle of Alma, 
where, leading his company, he was the first to leap 
over the enclosure of the most formidable of the Rus- 
sian batteries, and was seen quietly scratching the name 
of his regiment, the number of his company, with the 
point of his sword on the gun he had taken. 

The Earldom of Longford is of modern creation, one 
of those which had sprung up in Ireland during the 
troubles, incident to the subjugation of that island, when 
England sought to supersede the native aristocracy, by 
ennobling the successful soldiers, who settled the subject 
province. Thus originated the Earldom from which 
that gallant soldier, who was sent to Louisiana, as 
his ancestor had been sent to Ireland, to reduce a free 
people into vassalage to a foreign power, derived all the 
consideration, which was due to rank and family. He 
possessed, however, a just title to a higher consideration 
and respect, as a gentleman, a gallant soldier, and kind- 
hearted man. The title was to be found, in a career of 
great brilliancy, of constant, severe, painful and perilous 
service, in the profession in which, when quite a boy, he 
embarked with all the ardor and ambition characteristic 
of L-ish birth and education. He did not owe his 
advancement to the influence of family and friends. 
He fought his way up, round by round, and marked 
each grade with some honorable wound, so that ere he 
had reached the meridian of life and of military ad- 
vancement, his body was scrolled over with such insignia 
of gallantry and good conduct. Few officers had en- 
countered more perils and hardships, or suffered from 
more wounds. Entering the army as lieutenant of 23d 
Light Dragoons, he soon rose to the rank of Major. In 
the storming of the fort on the island of St. Lucie, West 



SIR EDWARD PACKENHAM. 201 

Indies, in 1796, Major Packenliam volunteered to lead 
the attacking columns. The charge was a brilliant and 
successful one, but the young leader was badly wounded, 
receiving a ball through his neck. In the same neigh- 
borhood, in the expedition to Martinique, in 1806, having 
been promoted to the command of that renowned regi- 
ment, the 7th Fusiliers, he was again badly wounded at 
the head of the Fusiliers.* 

During the Peninsular war, Packenliam was in con- 
stant service, by the side of "Wellington, and as Brigadier 
of that impetuous Welshman, General Picton. Towards 
the close of the war he was appointed Adjutant-General, 
at the request of Wellington. Throughout the army 
of the Peninsula, he was admired and beloved by both 
officers and men. We have not space to describe all the 
brilliant actions in which he participated, but a few of 
the incidents of his career may not be uninteresting to 
those who have been accustomed to regard him with 
hostility and prejudice, as the leader of an expedition 
which was neither honorable in its design, nor glorious 
in its conclusion. 

The brilliant courage of Sir Edward Packenliam was 
never more conspicuously displayed than in the horrible 
and bloody night attack of the British, on the strongly- 
defended walls and fort of Badajoz. On that occasion 
the storming party was for sometime mowed down with 
merciless severity, before any one of the soldiers could 
reach the walls. At last, however, a few scattered men, 
who had escaped, succeeding in planting three ladders 

♦It is a remarkable fact, recorded by Guthrie in his woi* en gunshot wounds, that 
the last mentioned wound repaired one of the effects of the >revious wound received by 
Packenham at St. Lucie. On both occasions he was shot n the neck. The first wound 
when it healed, drew his head on one side, but the second restored it to its original 
position. 

9* 



202 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

against the walls. As fast as the men mounted these 
ladders they would be shot down by the French soldiers 
on the parapet. In some cases the ladders broke, and 
many of the British soldiers were precipitated below and 
impaled upon the bayonets of their companions. Sir 
Edward Packenham was the second man to mount one 
of these ladders, being preceded by a gallant High- 
lander, Lieutenant McPherson, of the 45th. Both 
arrived unharmed within a few rounds of the top, when 
McPherson discovered that the ladder was about three 
feet too short. Still undaunted, the gallant young man 
called loudly to those below, to raise the ladder more 
perpendicular. Whilst he with great exertion parted it 
from the wall at the top, the men with a loud cheer 
brought it quickly nearer to the base. This was clone 
so suddenly, that McPherson was on a level with the 
rampart before he could prepare for defence. He saw 
a French soldier deliberately point his musket against 
his body and without power to strike it aside, he had to 
receive the tire. The ball struck one of the Spanish 
silver buttons on his waistcoat, which it broke in half. 
This changed its direction and caused it to glance off, 
not however, before it had broken two ribs, the fractured 
part of one being pressed in on his lungs so as almost to 
stop respiration. Still he did not fall, but continued to 
hold on by the upper round of the ladder, conceiving 
that he was wounded, but ignorant to what extent. He 
could not, however, advance. Packenham strove to pass 
him, but in the effort was also badly wounded, a French 
soldier firing a musket into his body, at a distance of 
three or four feet. Almost at the same time, the ladder 
cracked beneath them. Destruction seemed inevitable. 
Before them on the ramparts stood a line of French 



SIR EDWARD PACKENHAM. 203 

soldiers presenting their muskets ; beneath, their own 
friends crowded together, formed a Chevaux-de : frise of 
bayonets. Even at such a perilous and awful moment, 
the presence of mind of these two brave men did not 
desert them. Packenham grasping the hand of the 
wounded McPhersou, said u God bless you my dear 
fellow, we shall meet again." 

They did meet again, but not as Packenham meant, 
for they marvelously escaped, and recovering from their 
wounds, were enabled to perform many acts of conspi- 
cuous gallantry in the events which followed. 

As Brigadier of the " Old Fighting Third," the divi- 
sion of "Wellington's army so famous for its daring under 
the lead of Picton, the sickness of the chief devolved 
upon Packenham the command of the division on the 
eve of the battle of Salamanca When Picton heard 
who was to command his division, he observed, c; I am 
glad he is to lead my brave fellows ; they will have 
plenty of their favorite sport." In this battle Welling- 
ton opened the fight by riding up to Packenham at the 
head of the Third Division ordering him to move for- 
ward, take the heights in front and drive everything 
before him. 

" Give me one grasp of that all-conquering hand," 
exclaimed the enthusiastic Packenham, who entertained 
for his chief a most chivalric and ardent attachment, 
" and I will." How he redeemed this pledge is thus 
vigorously and graphically described by Alison : 

"It was five o'clock when Packenham fell on Thormiere, avIio, 
so far from being prepared for such an onset, had just reached an 
open hill, the last of the ridge over which he had extended, from 
whence he expected to see the allied army in full retreat, to Cieudad 
Rodrigo, and closely pursued by Marmont, defiling in the valley 



204 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

before him. To effect a change of front in such circumstances, was 
impossible. All that could be done was to resist instantly, as they 
stood. The British columns formed into line as they marched, so 
that the moment they came in sight of the enemy, they were 
ready to charge. In an instant the French gunners were at their 
pieces, and a cloud of light troops hastened to the front, and endea- 
vored by a rapid fire to cover the formation of the troops behind. 
Vain attempt! Right onward through the storms of bullets did the 
British, led by the heroic Packenham, advance ; the light troops are 
dispersed before them like chaff before the wind ; the half-formed 
lines are broken into fragments; Durban's Portuguese Cavalry, 
supported by Harvey's English Dragoons, and Arentchild's German 
Horse, turned their right flank, scrambled up the steep sides of a 
bush-fringed stream, which flowed behind the ridge, yet not at first 
in confusion, but skillfully, like gallant veterans, seizing every suc- 
cessive wood and hill which offered the means of arresting the 
enemy. Gradually, however, the reflux and pressing together of 
so large a body, by enemies at once in front and in flank, threw 
their array into confusion ; their cavalry were routed and driven 
among the foot. Thormiere himself was killed whilst striving to 
stem the torrent; the allied cavalry broke like a flood into the 
openings of the infantry, and his whole division was thrown back, 
entirely routed, on Clansel's, which was hurrying up to its aid, with 
the loss of three thousand prisoners." 

Of this brilliant action Packenham was emphatically 
the hero, and for his service on this occasion was knighted. 

Nor was Sir Edward Packenham less distinguished for 
his high honor, chivalry, and humanity, than for his 
courage and daring. As his name has been associated 
with the imputed design of sacking New Orleans, and 
perpetrating upon its peaceful population the most 
brutal and infamous excesses, which design was em- 
bodied in the alleged war-cry of the British army — 
"Beauty and booty"— a cry not inconsistent with the 
character which a portion of the army had acquired on 



SIR EDWARD PACKENHAM. 205 

the shores of the Chesapeake, and in the Peninsular war, 
we take pleasure in referring to the antecedents of Pack- 
enham, to rebut all presumption that he was cognizant 
of, or would have given the slightest sanction to, such 
disgraceful purposes. How he would have acted to- 
wards any of his command, who might have been 
implicated in such outrages, may be inferred from his 
conduct in Spain, when entering a town, in which cer- 
tain French citizens had been outraged by some British 
soldiers, he caused the latter to be hung on the spot, 
" thereby," says Napier, " nipping the wickedness in the 
bud, but at his own risk, for legally he had not the 
power." Napier has thought proper to add, with the 
commendable feeling of a soldier defending a brother 
in arms: "This General, whose generosity, humanity 
and chivalric spirit excited the admiration of every 
honorable person who approached him, has been foully 
traduced by American writers. lie who was preemi- 
nently distinguished for his detestation of inhumanity 
and outrage, has been, with astounding falsehood, repre- 
sented as instigating his troops to the most infamous 
excesses." 

Napier evidently errs in assuming for the Commander, 
a charge against many of his subordinates, who, as may 
be proved by documents now extant, freely declared the 
predatory purposes of the expedition. Besides, the cir- 
cumstances of the enterprise — undertaken as it was, 
whilst the commissioners of both nations were engaged 
in negotiations, to establish peace between the two 
countries on a permanent and satisfactory basis — will 
ever give it a questionable character, and lead all im- 
partial persons to believe that its main purpose was 
booty — the appropriation of the fifteen millions of the 



206 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

produce of the peaceful industry of the country, -to the 
enrichment of rude soldiers, whose lives had been 
devoted to the destruction rather than to the increase 
of the wealth of the world. Gallant, generous and high- 
minded, as he personally was, Packenham's name and 
fame cannot be considered as entirely free from the 
reproach, which must attach to all those who were asso- 
ciated in an expedition prompted by such motives. 
Certainly, Sir William Napier would not deny what the 
pages of his own incomparable history so abundantly 
prove, that the British soldiers were not only capable 
of, but prone to the excesses which, it has so often been 
charged, were to follow the capture of New Orleans. 
Frequently, in the towns in the Peninsula, the Spaniards 
found better protection from their enemies, the French, 
than from their allies, the British soldiers. The actors 
in the scenes at Cumberland Island, at Hampton, Alex- 
andria and "Washington City ; the incendiaries of libra- 
ries, of printing presses, of private property of every 
description ; the mutilators of public monuments, could 
hardly complain, if suspected of too strong an appetite 
for the rich booty which was heaped up in the great 
depot of the Valley of the Mississippi. 

This charge against the originators and projectors of 
the expedition to New Orleans, as one for plunder and 
spoils, is too well established now to be questioned. 
British testimony alone is sufficient to prove the truth 
of these allegations. This may not be an unappropriate 
place to quote a few authorities from that source. Major 
Cook of the British 43d, who was engaged in the ex- 
pedition to New Orleans, and has written a lively work 
on this campaign, which has been well received in Eng- 
land, says : " Notwithstanding all these natural draw- 



SIR EDWARD PACKENHAM. 207 

backs the city of New Orleans with its valuable booty 
of merchandise was craved by the British to grasp such 
a prize by a coup de main." In another place he 
remarks, " the warehouses of the city were amply stored 
with cotton to a vast amount, and also sugar, molasses, 
tobacco and other products of this prolific soil." 

The author of the campaigns of the British at "Wash- 
ington, Batimore, and New Orleans says : " And it 
appears that instead of a trifling affair, more likely to fill 
our pockets than to add to our renown, we had embarked 
in an undertaking, which presented difficulties not to be 
surmounted without patience and determination." A let- 
ter from Colonel Malcolm, at Cumberland Island, to his 
brother the Rear Admiral in the fleet, under Cochrane, 
which was intercepted by an American cruiser, express- 
ing the hope that the writer would soon hear of the 
capture of New Orleans, adds : ' It will repay the troops 
for all their trouble and fatigue.' Mr. Glover, a British 
employee, in a letter found in the same package, to 
Captain Westphall, mingles prescience and avarice in 
the following apprehension : ' My forebodings will not 
allow me to anticipate either honor or profit to the ex- 
pedition.' " 

History, however, must acquit Sir Edward Packen- 
ham of any motives or design of plunder or brutality, 
in accepting this command. It was, doubtless, in the 
discharge of what he deemed his duty, and to gratify 
what he regarded an honorable ambition, that he came 
to assume the Governorship of Louisiana, and, with it, 
the Earldom, that was to reward his conquest of a Pro- 
vince, which Great Britain had long entertained an 
ardent desire to possess. "We do not believe that the 
English Government would have allowed Sir Edward's 



208 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

modesty or chivalry to prevail over the necessity of 
supporting this new Earldom by some adequate moneyed 
allowance ; nor that they would have regarded it as at 
all improper to apply to that object, a large share of the 
fifteen millions of cotton and sugar then in the ware- 
houses of New Orleans. If one of " the greatest soldiers, 
Englishmen and Christians, that ever lived," as Sir Wil- 
liam Napier has styled his distinguished relative, the 
conqueror of Scinde, in a funeral oration, recently deli- 
vered at the burial of that heroic soldier (no less 
remarkable for its extravagance, than its terseness), did 
not sully his laurels by enriching himself out of the 
spoils, the treasure, the jewels and precious metals of 
the subjugated Ameers, certainly his historian will not 
include us in the class of American writers who have 
"traduced" the memory and fame of Packenham, for 
intimating that his successful entrance into the city of 
New Orleans would have supplied all those deficiencies 
of fortune, which too often mark the condition of meri- 
torious younger sons of the nobility of Great Britain. 

With Sir Edward came, as second in command, Major 
General Samuel Gibbs, Colonel of the 59th Foot, a very 
active and experienced officer, who had greatly distin- 
guished himself in the East, and particularly in the 
storming of Fort Cornelius, on the island of Java, and in 
the Peninsular war. There were also several distin- 
guished staff, engineer, and artillery officers, who came 
with Sir Edward Packenham. 

It has quite recently — since the death of the Duke 
of Wellington and the publication of his letters — come 
to light, that the project was seriously discussed in the 
British cabinet of placing Wellington at the head of 
the expedition to New Orleans, and that he manifested 



SIR EDWARD PACKENHAM. 

no reluctance to undertake the enterprise. In one of his 
letters, recently published, he refers to the subject, say- 
ing he would cheerfully accept the duty, if it was 
imposed upon him, gives some very crude views of the 
manner in which the war should be conducted, and 
declares his belief that the troops he had seen embark 
for America at Bordeaux, in the summer of 1814, must 
be very badly handled if they did not prove victors in 
any contest in which they might be engaged. Fortunate 
decision of the British Cabinet!* Wellington was re- 
tained at home. The ministry, however, sent some of 
his ablest lieutenants — upon whose brows the laurels 
of Spain were destined to be supplanted by the cypress 
of Louisiana — to execute the plan of operations of their 
great chief. Ross had fallen on the banks of the 
Petapsco, and Packenkam was sent to take his place. 

Favoring winds brought him swiftly to the scenes of 
his future operations. As he stepped from the barge, at 
the head of Villere's Canal, surrounded by his gallant 
staff, and greeted by many of the officers of the army, 
his proud heart swelled with satisfaction and hope, at 
the prospect, now first opened to him, of rivaling the 
fame of his great relative, by an exploit that would ring 
through the world, and bring out the old Tower guns to 
awaken the quiet Londoners with their thundering an- 

* After the campaign, and to the day of his death, the Duke was a great admirer of 
General Jackson, and whilst the latter lived, never failed when lie was introduced to 
an American, to inquire after the General's health. The Earl of Ellesmere, who visited 
New York during the Industrial Exhibition of 1S53, related to General Quitman that 
being on very intimate terms with the Duke, he frequently visited him in his private 
room. The Duke had a habit whenever he received any document, which afforded him 
pleasure, of crumpling it in his hand and waving it over his head. On one occasion 
the Earl surprised the Duke in one of these curious displays of satisfaction, which was 
more than usually enthusiastic ; and inquiring the cause, learned that the crumpled 
document over which the great warrior was so much elated was a simple letter of in- 
troduction from General Jackson ! 



210 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

noun cement of another great victory won by the heroes 
of the Peninsula. For the first time in his life, Packen- 
ham found himself in an independent command, at the 
head of one of the choicest and most efficient armies 
that England ever sent forth. This, for a man of thirty- 
eight, was certainly a proud distinction. As his eye ran 
down the lists of the regiments of his command, Pack- 
enham could not but repeat, with his full endorsement, 
the remark of Wellington, as to their invincibility. 
Except the 93d Highlanders and the Black Regiments, 
they were all troops whicli fought through the whole 
war in the Peninsula, from Moore's retreat to Welling- 
ton's triumphant entry into France. 

There were the Rifles, which, under Crauford and 
Barnard, had opened nearly every battle that Wellington 
fought. There were the 85, the 44th, the 21st and 
14th Dragoons, all bronzed veterans, who had never 
known defeat, and who were as familiar with all the 
horrors and exigencies of war, as if they had been 
nursed by Bellona. Others, too, of equal renown, were 
hourly expected. The 43d, the 40th, and above all 
Packenham's own Fusiliers, the 7th, at whose head he 
had so often marched to victory and received so many 
honorable wounds. Who, under like circumstances, 
would not have felt the glow of pride, enthusiasm and 
cheerful confidence, which radiated the manly counte- 
nance of Packenham, when Keane stepped forward and, 
saluting him, gladly relinquished a command which had 
become to him a wearisome burden ? 

There was great rejoicing in the British camp over 
the arrival of Packenham. Loud cheers rent the air. 
Even salvos of artillery were fired in honor of the event. 
This joy and commotion were quite perceptible to the 



SIR EDWARD PAuKENHAM. 211 

American outposts, who soon ascertained the cause and 
communicated it to Jackson. The next day the news 
flew through the American lines that a famous British 
general — some had it the Duke of Wellington himself — • 
had arrived in the British camp. Henceforth, it was 
said, the* operations of the British would be conducted 
with much more vigor and power, and with more effi- 
cient forces and appliances than had been employed 
heretofore. These stories, with all their exasperations, 
did not appal the spirit or weaken the energies of Jack- 
son. Indeed, the only visible effect they produced was 
to communicate greater activity and resolution to all his 
movements and measures for the maintenance of his 
position. Without dismounting, for hours and hours, he 
paced along the line of the Rodriguez Canal, encourag- 
ing and inciting his men by every influence which he 
could use, to labor in the rude entrenchment which his 
engineers had drawn along the canal. "Here," he 
remarked to them, in the frontier style, " we shall plant 
our stakes, and not abandon them until we drive these 
red-coat rascals into the river, or the swamp." 

Packenham, who had the eye of a soldier, was not 
pleased with his first glance at the position of his army. 
It did not take much time for him to comprehend all 
the perils and embarrassments that environed him. 
Concealing his feeling and impressions, he assembled the 
chief officers at Yillere's house, where he established 
his headquarters. 

There, in the parlor of the patriotic planter, who was 
then but a few miles off, aiding in the organization of 
the militia, who were daily dispatched to reinforce 
Jackson, met a score or more of the most distinguished 



212 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

veteran officers of the Peninsular war, to deliberate 
upon the means of resisting and defeating a militia 
general, at the head of a force of raw militia, inferior in 
number to their own gallant array of veteran and prac- 
ticed warriors. Many of them had not seen their asso- 
ciates since they parted in Spain ; many, like the officers 
of the 93d, newly arrived from the Cape of Good Hope, 
had not met for eight or ten years. 

But there was no time for congratulations or the in- 
terchange of friendly conversation. The business before 
them was serious and pressing. Their consultation ex- 
tended far into the night. What then and there occur- 
red must ever be a mystery, but enough leaked out to 
convince the younger officers, that Sir Edward was 
greatly dissatisfied with the aspect of affairs, and after 
receiving a full report of Keane's operations, entertain- 
ed but little hope of achieving the object of the expedi- 
tion. He perceived and lamented the original error, in 
not advancing on the 23d. It was even said that he 
thought of withdrawing the army and attempting a 
landing in another quarter. But that sturdy veteran, 
Sir Alexander Cochrane, who attended the council, was 
of sterner stuff, and regarded the expedition as far from 
being defeated or foiled. If the army shrunk from the 
task, he would bring up the sailors and marines from 
the fleet, and storm the American lines, and march into 
the city. "The soldiers could then," added the bitter 
old Scotchman, " bring up the baggage. 

The confidence of the old tar was happily illustrated 
by an authentic anecdote. One of the British prison- 
ers captured on the 23d December, stated to General 
Jackson, that the Admiral had sworn that he would eat 



SIR EDWARD PACKENHAM. 213 

his Christmas dinner in the city. Jackson promptly 
replied, "Perhaps so, but I shall have the honor of 
presiding at that dinner." 

It was finally determined to advance and carry the 
enemy's entrenchments at the point of the bayonet. 

The original error in regard to the superior force of 
the Americans still clung to them. Even then, when 
they had had the opportunity for observation, which their 
position afforded, — and when the Americans had but 
two small artillery pieces, and their entrenchments were 
but just commenced, they neglected to advance with 
an army which exceeded by two or three thousand that 
of Jackson's command. This, for the Americans, fortu- 
nate remissness, was all due to the impression which 
Jackson had made on the minds of the British by his 
extraordinary and brilliant attack on the 23d. 

Packenham, on assuming the command of the army, 
changed its organization, by forming two columns, or 
brigades, under the command of Generals Gibbs and 
Keane. How these brigades were composed, will ap- 
pear hereafter. 

Early the next day, the 26th December, Packenham 
rode out with his staff and Generals to reconnoitre the 
American lines. As far as the eye could reach along 
the plain, which lay before him, he could perceive no 
evidence of any regular force opposed to him. The 
only living objects he could discern were bodies of 
horsemen, galloping over the field in a very unmilitary 
fashion, apparently watching every movement in the 
British camp, and now and then cracking away with 
their long rifles at the outposts and sentinels. Then 
these stragglers would wheel and return leisurely to an 
old chateau, about long musket shot from the British 



214: JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

sentries, which appeared to be their general rendezvous. 
These sconts presented more the appearance of snipe 
and rabbit hunters beating the bushes for their game, 
than of soldiers seeking opportunities to annoy their 
enemies. It was a novel sight to Packenham, accus- 
tomed as he was to the formal and regular mode of con- 
ducting warlike operations of the French and British 
armies. 

Beyond these, there was no other evidence of the 
presence of a hostile army. This mysterious and si- 
lent aspect in front served to increase the anxiety and 
embarrassment of the British General. The movements 
of these irregular troops indicated the confidence of a 
powerful force strongly posted in the rear, as well as the 
audacity of men who had been under fire and had tast- 
ed of the horrors of war. They were no timid militia- 
men, like those who had offered so feeble a resistance at 
"Washington; or, rather, in justice to the latter, many 
of whom were personally as brave as any who ever 
shouldered a musket, we should say there was unmistak- 
able evidence of the presence among them of a chief, 
who inspired confidence, courage, and determination in 
all under his command. 

This observation satisfied Packenham, that he had 
but one course to pursue, and that was to carry the 
enemies lines, wherever they were, by storm. As soon 
as this resolution was taken, all anxiety and care disap- 
peared from his countenance. He immediately set to 
work to prepare for the advance. 

But, before this could be clone, a serious obstacle had 
to be removed. Those terrible floating batteries, the 
Carolina and Louisiana, still retained their position, an- 
chored near the opposite bank of the river, and kept 



SIR EDWARD TACKENHAM. 215 

lip a continual cannonading on the British camp. 
Whereever a knot of British could be seen, a shower of 
grape would be thrown at them with such accuracy 
that they would be quickly dispersed, and compelled to 
take shelter. Even those who took refuge in the houses 
were not safe. Many a social party who met stealthily 
in some quiet little negro hut, behind the chimneys, or 
in some nook of the larger houses, to enjoy a few com- 
forts and relieve the distress and tedium of their situa- 
tion by a little conviviality, would suddenly be intruded 
upon by a cannon-ball sent- from one of Patterson's ves- 
sels, producing a very precipitate scattering of the 
party. It was impossible to form a column under the 
fire of these vessels. Orders were therefore issued to 
hurry up all the large cannon which could be spared 
from the fleet, for the purpose of bringing them to bear 
on the two formidable little vessels. By incredible ex- 
ertions, the chief labor being performed by the sailors, 
under Cochrane and Malcolm, a powerful battery of 
twelve and eighteen -pounders was brought up on the 
night of the 26th, and planted on the levee, so as to 
command the Carolina and Louisiana. 

On the morning of the 27th, the American lines were 
aroused by .a severe and prolonged cannonading from 
the British camp. This was the first intimation of the 
presence of heavy artillery among the enemy. The 
Americans collected on the levee to see whence the 
firing proceeded. There could be no doubt of the object. 
It was now seen, what terrible plagues those vessels had 
been. All their power and skill were concentrated to 
destroy them. Their battery was evidently a powerful 
one, and was manned by officers and men who under- 
stood their business. Their fire was gallantly and briskly 



216 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

returned from both vessels. Never were broadsides 
given with more rapidity and accuracy. 

The British could only escape their effects by watch- 
ing the flash of the guns, and then taking refuge under 
the levee. Loud cheers arose from each line, at every 
discharge of their respective batteries, which could be 
distinctly heard in both camps. From the dormant 
window of the Macarte House, Jackson narrowly 
watched the combat through a telescope. Packenham 
stood on the levee near his battery cheering and en- 
couraging the artillerists. The banks of the river, for 
some distance below, and as far above the American 
lines as would afford a view of the field, were lined with 
spectators, who regarded the scene with intense interest. 
A tempest of cannon balls was poured upon the devoted 
vessels, amid which gleamed, like flaming comets, red 
hot shot, whilst bursting shells and steaming rockets 
spread a halo of fire around them. Thus the cannon- 
ading was sustained for a half an hour before it was 
discovered that any effect was produced upon the ves- 
sels. At last it was quite perceptible in both armies, 
that the Carolina had been struck. There was a com- 
motion upon her decks. Her firing ceased. Presently 
her crew were seen clambering down her sides, and 
taking to the boats. In good order, without alarm or 
confusion, the boats being all filled, pushed off for the 
opposite shore, not, however, without shouting a loud 
defiance at their foes. Then, when all had left her, a 
light flame was seen, rising from her deck, which the 
light breeze fed and kindled, until it spread through the 
hull of the vessel, and then tapering off with the tall 
masts and branching spars, involved the whole vessel in 
a fiery embrace. Now the British gave three loud cheers, 



SIR EDWAKD PACKENHAM. 217 

which almost equalled the thunder of their cannon in 
volume, and echoed far up and down the river. Eager- 
ly they watched the progress of the flames, as they ra- 
pidly devoured the gallant little vessel. At last the fire 
reached the magazine, and then, with an explosion, 
which shook the earth for miles around, the Carolina 
was blown to atoms. Her crew, however, under the 
indefatigable Captain Henley, gained the shore in safe- 
ty, with the loss of one sailor killed and six wounded. 
This event drew a deep sigh from the bosoms of the se- 
veral thousands of Americans who looked on. In the 
British camp it was hailed with unbounded delight and 
most enthusiastic hurras. 

Well, the British might shout and rejoice. That little 
vessel had not given them an hour's respite since they 
reached the banks of the Mississippi. It had saluted 
them, on their arrival, with a broadside which placed a 
hundred of their men hors de combat. For the three 
days following, there was not an hour that it did not 
sweep the field in which the British lay with its terrible 
battery. Its destruction, therefore, might justly be 
celebrated as a jubilee in the British camp. 

Packenham and his soldiers now breathed freer. A 
thorn had been removed from the side of the army, 
yet their flank was not entirely cleared. Absorbed in 
their design of getting rid of their older enemy, they 
had lost sight of the larger ship Louisiana, which lay ' 
higher up the stream. It was a great blunder of the 
British to open with their battery on the Carolina in- 
stead of the Louisiana. Whilst they were at work on 
the schooner, Lieutenant Thompson, on the Louisiana, 
was straining every nerve to get that ship beyond the 
reach of their batteries. Since the destruction of the 

10 



218 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Carolina and the gun-boats, the Louisiana was the only- 
vessel left to the Americans. Jackson's last word to 
Thompson was to save her at every risk. Her com- 
mander was the man to execute such an order. Thomp- 
son had displayed amazing energy in raising a crew and 
equipping the Louisiana for service in a few days. He 
had been driven to the necessity of scouring the streets 
and impressing sailors to fill the complement of men 
necessary to man his guns. With this fresh and ill-dis- 
ciplined crew, he suddenly found himself in a most per- 
plexing situation. The Carolina had been blown up, so 
near that her burning fragments fell on the decks of the 
Louisiana. Both wind and current were against him. 
The balls of the British battery began to fall thickly 
around, and the water hissed and simmered with the hot 
shell that bounded towards and over her. At last 
Thompson bethought him of towing, and putting all 
hands to work at the boats, succeeded in moving her 
slowly, until she was beyond reach of the British ; not, 
however, without some damage, caused by a shell, 
which fell on the decks and wounded several men. It 
was indeed a narrow escape. As she moved up stream, 
and gaining a position nearly abreast of the American 
camp, let go her anchors, at the same time firing a de- 
fiant volley at the British, the Americans, whose hearts 
and countenances had fallen under the disaster of the 
. Carolina, gave three loud cheers, which could be dis- 
tinctly heard in the British camp. 

The removal of these vessels communicated fresh 
hope and confidence to the British army. "Whilst the 
battery was engaged with the American vessels, Gibbs 
and Keane were forming their columns for the advance. 
Having relieved their flank of its vigorous and active 



SIR EDWARD PACKENHAM. 219 

foe, these columns could now form in the open field. 
Accordingly towards evening, on the 27th, a rocket was 
sent up from the headquarters of the General-in-Chief. 
At that signal the British army moved forward, aban- 
doning ground, which had but fuw attractions or pleas- 
ing associations to the minds of the soldiers. Gibbs led 
his column under cover of the wo'od on the right, and 
Keane marched by the road near the river, keeping 
Bienvenu's and Chalmette's houses between him and the 
American lines. Thus the two columns advanced to a 
point within four or six hundred yards of the American 
lines. Night closing upon them, the soldiers were 
ordered to lie down in their places and refresh them- 
selves with sleep. Promptly they obeyed the order, in 
the fond hope of resting and recuperating their wearied 
bodies. Delusive hope ! There again were those un- 
tiring " land privateers " in their front, who appeared 
never to sleep themselves, nor willing to allow others to 
enjoy that blessing. There they were, hovering about 
the English outposts and pickets, popping away at every 
man who showed himself, with their terrible rifles, 
creeping up stealthily in squads and firing right into 
their pickets. There, too, the daring Hinds and his 
madcap troopers, dashing up to their outposts and form- 
ing with all the regularity of parade exercise, would 
fire volleys into the lines, and then gallop back again 
hurraing and shouting in savage glee and derision. 

The night, instead of being devoted to sleep and rest, 
was made hideous to the British by these incessant an- 
noyances. The Americans, so the indignant and dis- 
quieted Britons thought, like some of the indigenous 
animals of the country, appeared to prefer the night to 
the day for their prowling and warlike operations. The 



220 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

precedent of the 23d had heen followed ever since 
lalman among them seemed bent on some deed of 
individual prowess, of which he might discourse to Ins 
companions in his mess, and around the camp fires. Nor 
wa^ it merely for display, or to alarm then- enennes ^ 

"While two European armies regain inactively tong 
each other, the outposts of neither are molested, unless 
I direct attack on Ihe main body be taJJ^WJ 
far is this tacit good understanding earned, that 1, my 
"f have behelcl French and English sentmels no more 
sen, nave uc Americans entertain 

i ^ xirorfarP " of the Americans. -But it ne nau 






SIR EDWARD PACKENHAM. 221 

gations. Besides, some allowance must be made for the 
exacerbated state of the feelings of the Americans, on 
account of the loss of their efficient flanking battery, 
the Carolina. Nor should this writer forget, in his 
sentimentality on the chivalry of war, the annoyances 
to which the Americans were subjected during the 
nights of the 26th and 27th, by the shell practice of the 
British howitzers and the rockets which kept the Ameri- 
can camp in continual alarm. Whatever may be the 
opinion of ethical and historical writers, on the abstract 
question of duty and chivalry in this matter, there can 
be no doubt as to the fact, that the British soldiers had 
but little rest or quiet on the night of the 27th of Decem- 
ber. They awaited the break of day with more anxiety 
and hope than they had hailed its decline. 



222 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 



XL 

A DEMONSTRATION AND A DEFEAT. 
[December 28, 1814.] 

The American commander bad not been idle. Estab- 
lisbed in tbe fine old chateau of Macarte, which then, as 
now, could hardly be discerned at a short distance off, 
through the thick evergreen trees and shrubbery in which 
it is embowered, within one hundred or two hundred 
yards of the right of the entrenchments, Jackson kept an 
incessant Watch over every movement of the enemy, 
viewing their camp through a large telescope, which an 
ingenious old Frenchman had loaned him for the occa- 
sion, and which was established in the dormer window 
of the cbateau, looking down the river. This chateau 
still stands, but little changed by the lapse of forty years. 
It has been the study and pride of its successive pro- 
prietors and occupants to preserve the premises, as much 
as possible, in the condition in which Jackson left tliem, 
after the war was over. Only such repairs as were 
absolutely necessary have been made. Even the cannon 
marks on the pavement, walls, and pillars may now be 
seen, and the scarred oaks, cedars and pecan trees, which 
surround it, still wear the signs of the strife that drenched 
with blood the fields around, that now smile with rural 
beauty and teem with agricultural wealth, and rendered 
the headquarters of the General-in-Chief the most ex- 



A DEMONSTRATION AND A DEFEAT. 223 

posed and insecure position of the whole camp. Hun- 
dreds of the cannon balls have been dug out of the 
garden, which were rained down on this favorite target 
of the British artillery. 

From this elevated position, Jackson perceived on the 
evening of the 27th, the formidable preparations to over- 
whelm him the next day. He comprehended, at glance, 
the plan of Packenkain, and set to work to resist and 
defeat it. That was a busy night in Jackson's quarters. , 
Officers were seen galloping in every direction for cannon 
and artillerists to strengthen the lines. When the Bri- 
tish commenced their advance, Jackson had only the 
two six pounders, which had made such a narrow escape 
on the night of the 23d. These had been estalished on 
the levee. On the night of the 27th, a twelve-pound 
howitzer was planted so as to command the road, and 
shortly after a twenty-four pounder on the left of the 
twelve. 

On the morning of the 28th, another twenty-four 
pounder Was established, under the fire of the British 
battery on the levee. These, together with the battery 
of the Louisiana, presented quite a formidable display 
of artillery. The infantry also were strengthened. The 
first regiment of Louisiana Militia was ordered to take 
position on the right of the lines, and the second regiment 
to reinforce the extremity of the left, which had not yet 
been placed in a safe and reliable condition, though Cof- 
fee's Tennesseeans were kept incessantly at work upon 
it. Other precautions had not been neglected. The 
levee was cut below the lines, in order to flood the road 
and drown the British, or render their advance difficult. 
But fate did not favor this inglorious mode of destroying 
an enemy, who was destined to be overcome with his 



224 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

own weapons and by mortal valor. The river fell and 
the road remained undamaged. Meantime Carroll had 
marched his men, who were ill armed, many being 
supplied with fowling-pieces and discarded guns, to 
Canal Rodriguez, and set them to work on the entrench- 
ments on the extreme left. 

Jackson had now a force of over four thousand men 
and twenty pieces of artillery. How he ever collected 
such a body of men and established them in so strong a 
position in so short a time, is far more astounding than 
the results which were subsequently achieved. 

Packenham had at least eight thousand men of all 
arms, — all veteran soldiers, well armed and equipped, 
and supplied with all the engines of destruction known 
to the science of modern warfare. 

The morning of the 28th was one of those beautiful, 
bracing, life and joy-giving clays peculiar to Louisiana 
in the winter season. In its brightness, clearness, and 
temperate mildness, it was a delicious novelty to the 
British, accustomed to fogs, clouds, inky skies and 
oppressive vaj)ors. The air was just frosty enough to 
give it purity, elasticity and freshness. A sparkling mist 
veiled the beauty of the waking morn. The evergreens 
which dotted and encircled the dusky plain with emer- 
ald, glistened with the diamond drops from heaven. 

All nature seemed to be animated by these bright in- 
fluences. The trees were melodious with the noisy 
strains of the rice bird, and the bold falsetto of that 
pride of Southern ornithology, the mocking-bird, who, 
here alone continues the whole year round his unceas- 
ing notes of exultant mockery and vocal defiance. 
What a reproach did such a scene of natural beauty 
and atmospheric purity convey to those whose passions 



A DEMONSTRATION AND A DEFEAT. 225 

were soon to convert it from a Paradise to a Pande- 
monium ! 

At break of day, or as soon as the mist had melted 
into the purple that spread over the horizon, to form, as 
it were, a carpet on which the king of day might strut 
forth upon the world, both armies stood to arms. Pic- 
quets were called in. Drums were beat. The blasts of 
bugles rang far along the banks of the old Father of 
"Waters. All the hum and buzz of some great move- 
ment were observable in both camps. Jackson occu- 
pied his old position, watching from the window of his 
headquarters every movement of his enemy with the 
eye of a lynx, and the heart of a lion. His counten- 
ance wore that same expression of stern determination 
and dauntless courage, communicating to all around a 
fearless and nndoubting confidence. Often would he 
cast anxious glances up the road, to the city, as if in ex- 
pectation of some new reinforcement. 

He was not permitted to remain long in doubt as to 
the intentions of the British. Their army was soon per- 
ceived to be in motion. It advanced in two steady 
columns. Gibbs with the 4th, the 21st, 44th, and one 
Black corps, hugging the wood or swamp on the right, 
with the 95th Rifles, extending in skirmishing order 
across the plain and meeting the right of Keane's 
column, which consisted of the 85th, the 95th, and one 
Black corps. The artillery jn'eceded the latter, in the 
main road. Keane held his column as near the levee as 
possible, and under the protection of Bienvenu's and 
Chalmette's quarters. Detached from Gibbs' column 
was a party of skirmishers and light infantry, under the 
command of that active and energetic officer, Lieut. 
Colonel Robert Rennie, whose orders were to turn the 

10* 



JACKSON AND NEW OELEANS. 

American left and gain the rear of their camp. In this 
order, the British moved forward in excellent spirits 
and brilliant array. Packenham, with his staff and a 
guard composed of the 14th Dragoons, rode nearly in 
the centre of the line, so as to command a view of both 
columns. The American scouts retired leisurely be- 
fore the British, tiring and shouting defiance at them. 
The Louisiana now weighed anchor, and floated down 
the stream, and then anchored again in a position which 
commanded the road and the whole field in front of the 
American lines. Jackson had ordered MoRea, of the 
artillery, to blow up Chalmette's and Bienvenu's 
houses. By some accident this order was only partially 
executed, — a fortunate circumstance, as these buildings 
served to mask the American lines at the strongest point, 
and to precipitate Keane's column with perilous sud- 
denness upon Jackson's guns. Chalmette's, the house 
nearest to Jackson's lines, was blown up just as the 
British passed Bienvenu's. This had been ever since 
the 23d the headquarters of Hinds' troop, whence they 
were in the habit of emerging hourly in detachments 
to harass the enemy and reconnoitre, his position. Now, 
for the first time, Keane beheld through his glass the 
mouths of several large cannon protruding from Jack- 
son's lines, and completely covering the head of his 
column. These guns were manned as guns are not often 
manned on land. 

Early in the morning Jackson's anxious glances tow- 
ards the city had been changed into expressions of sat- 
isfaction and confidence by the spectacle of several 
straggling bands of red-shirted, bewhiskered, rough 
and desperate-looking men, all begrimed with smoke 
and mud — hurrying down the road towards the lines. 



A DEMONSTRATION AND A DEFEAT. 227 

These proved to be the Baratarians under Dominique 
You and Bluche, who had run all the way from the 
Fort St. John, where they had been stationed since their 
release from prison. They immediately took charge of 
one of the twenty-four pounders. The Baratarians 
were followed by two other parties of sailors of the crew 
of the Carolina, under Lieutenants Crawley and Norris. 
These detachments were ordered to man the howitzer 
on the right, and the other twenty-four pounder, which, 
being on the left of Plauche's battalion, had been in 
charge of St. Geine's dismounted dragoons. 

Thus prepared, Jackson waited the approach of the 
British. Forward they came, in solid column, as com- 
pact and orderly as if on parade, under cover of a 
shower of rockets, and a continual fire from their artil- 
lery in front and their batteries on the levee. It was 
certainly a bold and imposing demonstration, for such, 
as we are told by British officers, it was intended to be. 
To new soldiers, like the Americans, fresh from civic 
and peaceful pursuits, who had never witnessed any 
scenes of real warfare, it was certainly a formidable 
display of military power and discipline. Those veterans 
moved as steadily and closely together as if marching 
in review instead of "in the cannon's mouth." Their 
muskets catching the rays of the morning sun, nearly 
blinded the beholder with their brightness, whilst their 
gay and various uniforms, red, grey, green and tartan, 
afforded a pleasing relief to the winter-clacl field and the 
sombre objects around. On, on came the glittering 
array, scarcely heeding the incessant fire which that 
cool veteran, Humphrey, poured into their ranks from 
the moment they were visible. But, as they approached 



228 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

nearer, they were suddenly brought to a sense of their 
danger and audacity, by the simultaneous opening of 
the batteries of Norris and the Baratarians, and by a 
terrible broadside from the Louisiana, which swept the 
field obliquely to the line of march of the British column. 
Never was there a more effective and destructive fire. 
For several hours it was maintained with incessant vigor 
and pitiless fury. More than eight hundred shot were 
fired by the Louisiana alone with most deadly effect. 
One single discharge of this most admirably managed 
batteiy — for it hardly deserved the name of ship — killed 
and wounded fifteen men. A British writer has done 
justice to this scene. 

Says the author of the Narrative of British Campaigns 
in America : — " That the Americans are excellent shots, 
as well with artillery as with rifles, we have had frequent 
cause to acknowledge ; but perhaps on no occasion did 
they assert their claim to the title of good artillerymen 
more effectively than on this occasion. Scarcely a ball 
or bullet passed over or fell short of its mark, but all 
striking full into the midst of our ranks occasioned terri- 
ble havoc. 

" The shrieks of the wounded, therefore — the crash of 
firelocks, and the fall of such as were killed, caused at 
first some little confusion, and what added to the panic 
was, that from the houses beside which we stood, bright 
flames suddenly burst forth. The Americans expecting 
the attack, had filled them with combustibles for the 
purpose, and directing one or two guns against them, 
loaded with hot shot, in an instant set them on fire. 
The scene was altogether very sublime. A tremendous 
cannonade mowed down our ranks and defeated us with 



A DEMONSTRATION AND A DEFEAT. 229 

its roar, while two large chateaux and their out-build- 
ings almost scorched us with the flames and blinded 
us with the smoke which they emitted." 

Under such an incessant and galling fire, there was 
no safety for the British except in retreat, or in a supine 
position, as it is called in military phrase ; but, as it 
would be styled in American parlance, " taking to the 
ditch." For some time Keane's solid column withstood 
with great firmness this terrific iron storm ; but it was 
a vain display of valor. Soon the battalions were 
ordered to deploy into line, and seek a cover in the 
ditches. Never was an order more promptly and rapidly 
obeyed. In a few minutes the heavy column was diluted 
into a thin line, and the men scrambled pell mell into 
every convenient ditch, or behind every elevated knoll, 
which presented itself. Gaining the ditches, in which 
they sank to their middle, the British writer, from whom 
we have already quoted, says "they leaned forward, 
concealing themselves in the rushes which grew on the 
banks of the canal." Truly, an ignoble position for Pen- 
insular heroes. 

The artillery could not be so easily removed or covered. 
The guns of the Americans were now concentrated on 
the British battery. The two field-pieces, which had 
been advanced on the road and levee, quite near to the 
American lines, were soon dismantled, many of the 
gunners were killed, and those who escaped destruc- 
tion, finally abandoned their useless pieces, leaving them 
on the road to be knocked and tossed about, the sport of 
Humphrey's unerring twelve-pounders. 

Thus, disastrously and ignominiously, was Keane's 
column broken by the American artillery. The melan- 
choly and pensive countenance of Packenham grew 



230 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS.] 

dark and gloomy indeed, as he perceived his brilliant 
battalions melt into the earth as suddenly and magically 
as the clansmen of Khoderic Dim, in the beautifully 
painted scene of that noblest poem of the great Wizard 
of the North : 

Down sunk the disappearing band, 

Each warrior vanished where he stood ; 

In broom or bracken, heath or wood, 

Sunk brand and spear and bended bow ; 

It seemed as if the mother earth 

Had swallowed up her warlike birth. 

The wind's last breath had tossed in air ^ 

Penon and plaid and plumage fair — 

The next but swept a lone hill-side, 

Where heath and fern were waving wide ; 

The sun's last glance had glistened back, 

From spear and glaive, from targe and jack— 

The next, all unreflected shone, 

On bracken green and cold grey stone. 

Never before had the British soldier, in his presence, 
'quailed before an enemy, or sought cover from a fire. 

Here was another ground of complaint for the marti- 
nette, of the ignorance and unscientific warfare of the 
Americans. They had mistaken a mere feint or demon- 
stration, for a real attack — a showy display, for a practi- 
cal design. 

So, unlucky Keane, after sheltering himself behind 
the surrounding ruins of Bienvenu's, again uttered 
curses, both loud and deep, upon the cruel fate which 
had cast his lot, hitherto so brilliant, upon so dreary a 
field of military enterprise — a field fertile in everything 
but British lam-els. 

How fared it with Gibbs on the right ? Here the 
prospect opened brighter, as the head of the column 



A DEMONSTRATION AND A DEFEAT. 231 

approached the American lines. In the view of Gibbs, 
who had led the storming party against Fort Cornelius, 
defended by over one hundred guns, and of his men, 
who had scaled the parapets of Badajoz, the walls of St. 
Sebastian, and a hundred other places of equal strength, 
nothing could be more contemptible than "the mere 
rudiments of an entrenched camp," as they were styled 
by a British writer. The whole work consisted of a low 
mound of earth, with a narrow ditch in front, not too 
wide to be leaped by a man of ordinary agility. So it 
remained through the whole campaign. 

As this mound came in view, Gibbs halted his main 
column, whilst the skirmishers were thrown forward, 
and the detached party under Rennie dashed into the 
woods, closely pursuing the American outposts, and 
advancing to a position within a hundred yards of the 
lines, behind which Carroll was posted with his Tennes- 
seeans. That prompt and ready officer immediately 
ordered Col. Henderson, with two hundred Tennes- 
seeans, to steal through the swamp, gain the rear of 
Kennie's party and then oblique to the right so as to cut 
them off from the main body. It was a rash adventure, 
such as General Jackson would not have sanctioned had 
he been present in that part of the line. But the Ten- 
nesseeans were impatient to take part in the fight, and 
could with difficulty be kept within the lines. Hender- 
son's movement might have succeeded, if he had not 
advanced too far to the right, and thus brought his men 
under the heavy fire of a strong body of the British who 
were posted behind a fence nearly concealed by the 
trees and weeds. -The Colonel, a gallant and promising 
officer, and five men were killed by this fire, several 
were wounded, and the others seeing the object of the 



232 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

movement defeated retired behind the lines. This was 
the only success achieved by the British that day. 
Bennie, emboldened by this result, was rapidly closing 
on Carroll's left, which having no cannon and being 
defended by raw militiamen, was pretty severely pressed, 
when an officer came up to him with an order from 
Gibbs to fall back ' on the main column. Greatly cha- 
grined at this order, Rennie abandoned the ground he 
had gained, and retired to the point from which he had 
advanced. Here his men were posted under the trees, 
idle spectators of the havoc which the American artil- 
lery was making in Keane's column on the left. And 
so they remained until the general retrogade movement 
was commenced. 

On that day the Americans lost nine killed and eight 
wounded. That gallant officer Major Carmick, of the 
Marine corps, was among the wounded. Whilst deli- 
vering an order to Major Plauche, near the centre of 
the American line, he was struck by a rocket, which 
tore his horse to pieces and wounded the Major in the 
arm and head. Of the British loss there are no precise 
or reliable accounts. We conjecture from general 
statements that it reached nearly two hundred killed 
and wounded. The official returns, which do not include 
those who were killed in the attempt to retire, admit 
only sixteen killed and forty-three wounded and missing. 
As the only weapon used by the Americans was their 
artillery, few of the wounded ever recovered. Among 
the killed were two officers, whose mode of death was 
remarkable, and illustrative of the precision of the 
American artillery. One of them was Captain Collings, 
of the British West India regiment, who was on duty in 
the 93d. When the men were ordered to hide them- 



A DEMONSTRATION AND A DEFEAT. 233 

selves in the ditch, and lie down on the earth, this 
young officer, in a spirit of reckless bravado chose to 
maintain his erect position. Major Creagh, of the 93d, 
called loudly to him to lie down or he would draw the 
fire of the batteries upon them. . Either not hearing, or 
not heeding the order, Collings walked along the edge 
of the ditch for a few steps, when a cannon ball struck 
his head and knocked it off his shoulders. The other 
officer killed on this occasion was Ensign Sir Frederick 
Eden, an English baronet, attached to the 85th. A 
flanking shot from the Louisiana struck the section com- 
manded by this officer- and killed five of the men and 
wounded several others. Eden himself was struck, and 
horribly mutilated. He lived long enough to make his 
will, and then died in a raving delirium of agony. 

The Louisiana, from whose batteries the British sus- 
tained their heaviest damage, though exposed to a con- 
stant fire from the British guns on the levee, had but 
one man killed. 

Such was the ignominious conclusion of the imposing 
demonstration or feint of the British on the 28th Decem- 
ber, 1814. Had there been a quick eye, sagacious intel- 
lect, and a full comprehension of their position and 
circumstances, to direct the movement of the army, the 
result might been very different. But in this, as in many 
other regular armies, the men of sagacity, enterprise, 
and the requisite qualities to secure the success of such 
operations, were mere subordinates, under chiefs, who 
on this occasion manifested a singular destitution of 
military capacity. Poor Packenham's energies were 
all the while cramped and oppressed by the conscious- 
ness, which filled his mind from the first moment he 
landed and perceived the situation of the army, that it 



234 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

was involved in an inextricable strait. This fact will 
fully explain the apparent want of promptitude displayed 
in this emergency. Besides, he expected hourly the 
arrival of Lambert's fine brigade, which had embarked 
at Portsmouth at the same time with the fast clipper in 
which he had sailed. These fresh troops would be a 
great accessi<an to his jaded and overworked force. 

The partial success of Kennie on the British right 
shows how egregiously they had exaggerated the strength 
of the American lines. Rennie demonstrated the prac- 
ticability of turning the American left and gaining their 
rear in that insecure and weakly-defended part of the 
line. By " weakly defended," we do not mean that the 
men stationed in this part of the works were not as 
brave and true soldiers as ever handled a gun, but that 
they were not in adequate force, were without artillery, 
the cannon being on the right, and could not be held 
together with sufficient compactness to resist the dash 
of a strong body of regular soldiers accustomed to scal- 
ing entrenchments, like the British. That the works 
offered no other obstacle but the strong arms and daunt- 
less valor of the men who defended them, is sufficiently 
shown by the fact, that the British officers actually burst 
into loud laughter when they perceived the frail mound 
which " the ignorant Americans" chose to designate a 
parapet, and to which, many narrators of these events 
have so far burlesqued military art, as to attach a glacis. 

They also made another discovery, which ingenious 
and quick-witted people would have turned to better 
use. They found the horrible swamp, of which they 
stood in such dread, that their outposts would not 
approach within a hundred yards of its edge, and of 
which such marvellous stories are related, of men who 



A DEMONSTRATION AND A DEFEAT. 235 

sunk into it and disappeared for ever from sight, quite 
practicable and passable for light trooos. Why did they 
not avail themselves of this discovery ? Why did Gibbs 
follow so closely the folly of Keane on a previous, and 
a still more notable, subsequent occasion, and let slip 
the opportunity of hurling his powerful column into the 
midst of Jackson's raw and poorly disciplined militia- 
men ? The answer to this and many similar questions, 
is to be found in the impressive lesson which Jackson 
had taught them on the bloody night of the twenty- 
third. 

Besides, the British had learned by this destructive 
reconnoissance, to appreciate the mettle and skill of the 
artillerists, who had so unexpectedly opened upon them 
from lines, behind which they expected to encounter 
only rifles and muskets. Jackson seemed to possess the 
power of Cadmus, to raise men and arms from the earth. 
Those two huge twenty-fours, which belched forth such 
torrents of iron hail, and that ceaseless twelve-pounder, 
appeared to have fallen from the skies into the rude 
embrasures from which they now peered so mysteriously 
and threateningly. Whence, too, came the skillful and 
adroit artillerists who manned them with such art and 
deadly power ? These were themes for anxious delibera- 
tion and discussion among the British chiefs. The result 
was a conviction that their army was too weak in artil- 
lery. Steps must be taken to equalize the conditions of 
the two armies in this respect. 

Though the demonstration of the twenty-eighth had 
thus failed, and the splendid battalions of the British 
had been broken into fragments, and driven to hide their 
shame and their persons in the ditches on Bienvenu's, 
they were not yet removed beyond danger. All day 



236 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

the American batteries swept the plain with their grape 
and round shot. Wherever a living object became 
visible, iron showers would fall with awful effect. How 
to draw off the army under such a fire greatly perplexed 
the British generals. It was at last done in a most 
ignoble, and, to veteran soldiers, most mortifying man- 
ner. The various regiments were ordered to break off 
in small squads by file to the rear, and retire as rapidly 
as they could beyond the reach of the American guns. 
This order was obeyed with alacrity, especially that part 
of it which required them to move by quick-step. As 
the squads stole off in this inglorious manner, they were 
plied more briskly with grape, shot and shells, and 
saluted with jeering, cries, and huzzas from the Ameri- 
can lines. Nor was this retrograde movement effected 
without heavy loss. At least sixty men, we are assured 
by the author of the Narrative, which we have quoted, 
were killed or wounded in the retreat. Many of the 
men were struck in the back with cannon balls, and 
knocked to pieces as they hurried to the rear. Many 
received wounds, a tergo, which were deemed by the 
ancient Romans more calamitous than death. Finally, 
however, the whole army staggered beyond the range 
of the American batteries, and the men, exhausted by 
their several labors, threw themselves on the ground to 
rest. 

To remove the dismounted guns was the next difficulty. 
This duty was assigned to Sir Thos. Troubridge, of the 
navy, who, with a party of seamen, dashed forward to 
the spot where the guns lay dismounted in the road. 
Making fast ropes to them, the sailors succeeded, by 
incredible exertions, in drawing the guns off and bring- 
ing them to the rear. 



A DEMONSTRATION AND A DEFEAT. 237 

The day was far advanced before these difficult tasks 
were all accomplished, and the army drawn up in a safe 
position. It was now posted on the lower line of Bien- 
venu's, with outposts extending to the front within a 
few hundred yards of the American lines. Packenham 
resumed his headquarters at Yiller6's. The hospitals, 
which were hourly receiving accessions, and were now 
quite full, were established at Jumonville's, below 
Yillere's. 

In this position the army continued for several days 
suffering greatly from exhaustion, exposure, and the 
scarcity and bad quality of food supplied them from 
their commissariat. The War Department in London 
had never contemplated the possibility of such an army 
being detained eight days, within six miles of a city, 
which was so well provisioned. These causes produced 
violent dysentery among both officers and men. Having 
no tents, the men were driven to shelter themselves in 
damp huts made of cane and reeds. During the few 
days after the arrival of the British, the soldiers had 
subsisted tolerably well on the cattle of the neighboring 
plantations, which scouting parties were able to capture, 
by scattering themselves over the country. But these 
resources were soon exhausted ; as the planters only 
raised such stock as they needed for their families, the 
quantity to be found was necessarily limited. The 
British were then reduced to the worst kind of army 
provisions, the maggoty pork and weevily biscuit. All 
the horses found on the plantations were appropriated 
by the field officers and their staffs, and by the artillery 
for the draught of their guns. A few of the 14th 
Dragoons, but poorly mounted, were assigned to guard 
and vidette duty. 



238 JACKSON AND NEW OELEANS. 

Thus closed the first operation of Sir Edward Packen- 
ham in America. He was further than ever from his 
Earldom, and his several" millions of " the spoils." His 
experience of the " ignorant Indian fighter " had been 
even more severe and disastrous than that of his Briga- 
dier and countryman (Keane). The high spirits excited 
in the army by his arrival had descended to zero. A 
change of leaders had brought no relief to those devoted 
battalions. Defeat and disaster, difficulties and dangers, 
innumerable, unforeseen, and insurmountable, enveloped 
them at every step. A fatal web had been thrown 
around that army, with the skill and boldness of a 
master mind. Like the mysterious net weaved by the 
art of Yulcan, the links, though invisible, were not the 
less potent, tangible and irresistible. 



THE BEITISH BEING UP THEIR BIG GUNS. 239 



xn. 



THE BEITISH BEING UP THEIE BIG GUNS. 

Bittee were the feelings of Packenkam, as, accom- 
panied by Sir John Tylden, Adjutant-General, and 
Captain "Wylley, Military Secretary of the General-in- 
Chief, and other staff officers, he rode slowly back to 
his headquarters at Yillere's. The feint by which he 
expected to scare the Americans from their lines had 
been quite as great a failure as the attempt to frighten 
them with Congreve rockets, which the British had con- 
tinued to throw into the American camp from the first 
moment the two armies came in sight of one another. 

Another council of war was convoked. The chiefs 
quickly repaired to headquarters, and were soon engaged 
in earnest deliberation on the next expedient to relieve 
the army from its embarrassments. Packenham's 
depression was still quite manifest, but the obstinate 
and stout-hearted Scotchman, Cochrane, "knew no such 
word as fail." He was emphatically the soul of the 
enterprise, as fertile in resources as he was indomitable 
in energy. He showed that their failures thus far were 
due to the superiority of the American artillery. They 
must supply this deficiency by bringing more large guns 
from the fleet. 

Certainly, out of the hundred large guns then lying 
idle on the decks of their three-deckers and frigates, 



24:0 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

they Could select a battery strong enough to cope with, 
the few old guns of the Americans. But then, it was 
suggested, the Americans are entrenched. "So must 
we be," was the reply of the prompt old sailor. It was 
therefore determined to treat the American lines as 
regular fortifications, by erecting breaching batteries 
against them, and proceeding to silence their guns. The 
reminder of the effectiveness of the American batteries 
was received with scornful sneers. What ! were the con- 
querors of Napoleon, the practiced veterans of a hundred 
victories, the sailors and marines who, under Nelson and 
Collingwood, had annihilated the navy of France, the 
heroes of the Nile, of Copenhagen and of Trafalgar, to 
yield in gunnery to the motley crews of American 
coasters — to the privateers and pirates of the Gulf, and 
the inexperienced artillerists of a young army of raw 
and hastily-collected levies ? Perish the base thought ! 
The slight successes gained by the Americans were due 
to the superior metal of their guns. "With guns of equal 
calibre, managed by their experienced scientific artiller- 
ists, and batteries constructed according to the rules of 
engineering, these advantages of their enemies would soon 
disappear. Thus argued the advocates of the new plan 
of breaching the American lines with heavy batteries. 
There were no better artillery officers in the British 
army than Colonel John Dixon and Major Munro, who 
had achieved great renown in the Peninsular war — nor 
than Colonel Burgoyne, son of the General whose name 
figures so disastrously in our revolutionary annals, and 
Major Blanchard, of the Engineers. These officers gave 
their decided opinion in favor of the practicability of 
silencing the American batteries and destroying their 
parapet by establishing opposing batteries of large guns 



THE BRITISH BEING UP THEIR BIG GUNS. 241 

brought up from the fleet. Colonel Dixon only required 
three hours to effect this result. This plan was adopted* 
The sailors and many of the soldiers were set to work to 
bring up the heavy guns from the fleet, a task of im- 
mense labor and difficulty. Three days were thus con- 
sumed by the British. 

Jackson, in the meantime, continued with unwearied 
activity to strengthen his lines and augment his artillery. 
The weakness of his left, made apparent on the 28th, 
was, in a measure, repaired by removing the two twelve- 
pounders of Lieutenant Spotts as near as practicable to 
the woods, and establishing one twelve-pounder between 
that point and the centre of his line. This piece was 
confided to General Garrique, a veteran French soldier, 
who volunteered for the occasion. A six-pounder, and 
afterwards an eighteen, were, under Colonel Perry, also 
planted in the same section. 

On the 29th, Patterson having discovered the destruc- 
tive effects of a flanking fire from the other side of the 
river, laid the foundation of his celebrated marine bat- 
tery, by removing two twelve and one twenty-four 
pounder from the decks of the Louisiana and placing 
them in the battery on Jourdan's plantation, behind the 
levee on the west bank of the river, so as to command 
the front of the American works. To serve this battery, 
a part of the crew of the Louisiana were detached and 
others were pressed in the streets of New Orleans, by 
Lieutenant Thompson, who for that purpose entered 
every sailor boarding-house in the city, and arrested 
every nautical looking character he could find. By 
these means he soon succeeded in collecting as various 
and mixed a corps of men as ever fought under the 
same flag. It embraced natives of all countries except 

11 



242 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

England, who spoke all languages except that of their 
commander. A perfect Babel indeed, was that famous 
marine battery of Patterson. It is an amazing proof of 
the power of discipline and of the energy and capacity 
of the Commodore and his able subordinate, Lieutenant 
Thompson, that with such discordant material they were 
able to render their battery one of the most efficient in 
the annals of modern warfare. 

Early on the 30th their power had been strikingly 
displayed. The British had established several batteries 
between the river bank and the levee, for the purpose 
of combating and destroying the American armed 
vessels, which could not be reached by Jackson's guns 
in the lines. The marine battery was soon opened upon 
them, and in a few hours all the British gunners were 
driven from the river bank, behind the levee, and the 
men who were sheltered in the houses about Chalmette's 
and Bienvenu's were compelled to take refuge in the 
ditches. So constant and vigilant were Patterson's 
gunners that the British found it impossible to make 
any reconnoissance near the river. 

Thus secured on his right flank, Jackson next turned 
his attention to the prolongation of his lines into the 
swamp, so as to prevent the British from gaining his 
rear and turning his left flank. Carroll's and Coffee's 
men were kept incessantly engaged in deepening the 
ditches on their part of the line and throwing up the 
dirt into a rude mound. The anxiety of Jackson about 
the weakness of this part of his lines was, however, 
quite unnecessary, for the British always kept as tar as 
possible from the swamp. This caution was due to the 
terror of the Tennessee bash-fighters and dirty "shirts," 
as they were called by the neat and well dressed British 



THE BRITISH BRING UP THEIR BIG GUNS. 243 

soldiers. These wily frontiersmen, habituated to the 
Indian mode of warfare, never missed a chance of pick- 
ing off a straggler or sentinel. Clad in their dusky 
brown homespun, they would glide unperceived through 
the woods, and taking a cool view of the enemy's lines, 
would cover the first Briton who came within range of 
their long small-bored rifles. Nor did they waste their 
ammunition. Whenever they drew a bead on any 
object, it was certain to fall. The cool indifference with 
which they would perform the most daring acts of this 
nature was amazing. 

One of these bush-fighters, having obtained leave to 
go on a hunting-party, one night, stole .along towards 
the British camp, over ditches and through underwood, 
until he got near a British sentinel, whom he imme- 
diately killed, and seizing his arms and accoutrements, 
laid them at some distance from the place where the 
sentinel had stood, and then concealing himself, waited 
quietly for more game. When it was time to relieve 
the sentinel, the corporal of the guard finding him dead, 
posted another in his place, which he had hardly left, 
before another victim fell before the unerring rifle of the 
Tennesseean. Having conveyed his arms and accoutre- 
ments to the place at which he left those of the first 
victim, the remorseless hunter took a new position, and a 
third sentinel, posted in the same place, shared the fate 
of the two others. At last the corporal of the guard, 
amazed to see three sentinels killed, in one night, at the 
same post, determined to expose no more men in so dan- 
gerous a spot. The Tennesseean, seeing this, returned 
to camp with the spoils of the slain, and received the 
congratulations of his comrades on the success of his 
night's hunt. Many instances of a similar character, 



244 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

illustrative of the daring, the skill, and love of adven- 
ture of these hardy riflemen, are related by the survi- 
vors of that epoch. Indeed the whole array, after the 
events of the 23d, 25th, and 28th, seemed to be anima- 
ted by a spirit of personal daring and gallant enterprise. 
The plain between the two hostile camps was alive 
day and night with small parties of foot and horse, 
wandering to and fro in pursuit of adventure, on the 
trail of reconnoiterers, stragglers and outpost sentinels. 
The natural restlessness and nomadic tendency of the 
Americans were here conspicuously displayed. After 
a while, there grew up a regular science in the conduct 
of these modes of vexing, annoying, and weakening the 
enemy. Their system, it is true, is~ not to be found in 
Vauban's, Steuben's or Scott's military tactics, bnt it, 
nevertheless, proved to be quite effective. It was as 
follows: A small number of each corps, being permitted 
to leave the lines, would start from their position and 
all converge to a central point in front of the lines. 
Here they would, when all collected, make quite a for- 
midable body of men, and, electing their own com- 
mander, would proceed to attack the nearest British out- 
post, or advance in extended lines, so as to create alarm 
in the enemy's camp, and subject them to the vexation 
of being beaten to arms, in the midst of which, the 
scouting party would be unusually unlucky, if it did 
not succeed in "bagging" one or two of the enemy's 
advanced sentinels. Prominent among the bands which 
kept the British in perpetual alarm, was the command 
of the indefatigable Major Hinds, whose troopers from 
Mississippi and Louisiana were ever hovering about the 
English outposts, charging to the very mouths of their 
cannon, and driving in their pickets. Unfortunately 



THE BRITISH BRING UP THEIR BIG GUNS. 245 

for the British, so at least they thought, they were una- 
ble to mount their dragoons for field or fighting service; 
and Hinds, having none of his own arm to try his 
mettle on, was compelled to satisfy his impatient valor, 
in unequal and ineffectual, but very dangerous, and to 
the British very vexatious, charges on their redoubts 
and outposts. Hinds was of great use to Jackson in 
executing reconnoissances, which he always did with 
brilliant daring and success. As soon as the British 
would throw up a redoubt, or commence planting a 
battery in any new position, Jackson had only to say, 
"Major Hinds, report to me the number and calibre of 
the guns they are establishing there." Immediately 
the stalwart trooper would form his dragoons, and 
advancing in an easy trot, until he had arrived within a 
few hundred yards of the object of the reconnoissance, 
would order a charge, and leading himself, would dash 
at full speed at the enemy's position, as near as was 
necessary to ascertain their strength and situation, and 
then wheeling under their fire and a shower of rockets, 
would gallop back to headquarters and report to Jack- 
son all the information he possessed. One of Hinds' 
companies was composed of Felicianians, young Ameri- 
cans, who had settled in that beautiful portion of Louis- 
iana lying on the east bank of the Mississippi north of 
the Bayou Manchack. This was the same company 
which had aided so materially in the capture of Baton 
Rouge in 1810, when a few Americans organizing at 
Bayou Sara declared their independence of Spanish 
dominion, and marching down to Baton Rouge, rushed 
into the fort, over the big guns of the Spaniards, tore 
down the flag of Spain, and supplanted it with that of 
the "Lone Star," which subsequently gave place to the 



246 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

" Stars and Stripes." It was on that occasion the Feli- 
ciana dragoons learned the art and acquired the habit 
of charging batteries. The capture by a troop of horse, 
of a strong fortification, well defended by cannon 
of the largest calibre, and strongly manned, was an 
achievement, which is only paralleled in the annals of 
warfare, by the celebrated charge of Paez with his dra- 
goons against a hostile fleet in the Venezuelan war. 
There was also Captain Ogden's company, composed of 
young men of education and high position in society, 
w T hich constituted the guard of the commander-in-chief, 
obeying his orders alone. It was posted in Macarte's 
garden. There were also the companies of Captain 
Chauveau and Dubuclay, the latter being chiefly Aca- 
diens from Attakapas. 

In such incessant scouting parties and volunteer opera- 
tions as we have described, a majority of Jackson's com- 
mand were engaged during the greater part of the 
night. So daring were these attacks, that on more than 
one occasion, the six-pounders were advanced from the 
lines and drawn within cannon shot of the outposts, 
when they would be discharged at the sentinels or any 
living object, generally with some effect, and always 
with great terror to the whole British camp, causing a 
general apprehension that the Americans were advanc- 
ing to attack them in full force. 

After midnight the skirmishers would return to their 
camp and resign themselves to sleep, using for their 
beds the brush collected from the swamp ; and the Ten- 
nesseeans, who were encamped on the extreme left, 
lying on gunwales or logs, raised a few inches above 
the surface of the water or soft mire of the morass. 
About two hours after daybreak, a general stir would 



THE BRITISH BRING UP THEIR BIG GUNS. 247 

be observable in the American camp — this was for the 
general muster. Drums were then beaten and several 
bands of music — among which that of the Orleans bat- 
talion (Plauche's) was conspicuous — would animate the 
spirits of the men with martial strains, that could be 
heard in the desolate and gloomy camp of the British, 
where no melodious notes or other sounds of cheerful- 
ness were allowed to mock their misery ; where not 
even a bugle sounded, unless as a warning or a sum- 
mons of the guard to the relief of some threatened out-'- 
post. A writer — who draws more freely ujoon his 
imagination than upon the authentic records of the 
country, and yet whose works have obtained great 
popularity among a people who prefer the dramatic and 
highly wrought to the sober, but often really more in- 
teresting facts of history — Headley, in his life of Jack- 
son thus describes the two camps: "The two hostile 
camps presented a spectacle of the most striking inter- 
est. The British lay in full view of the American lines 
— their white tents looking amid the surrounding water 
like clouds of sail resting on the bosom of the river, 
while at intervals a random shot, or the morning and 
evening gun, sent their slow challenge to the foe. There 
was marching and counter-marching, strains of martial 
music and all the confused sounds of camp-life, while 
to them an American intrenchment, which stretched in 
a dark line across the plain, semed as silent as death, 
except when a solitary gun sent forth its sullen defiance." 
This picture is the reverse of the truth. It presents a 
^oocl illustration of the evil of that system of historical 
romancing, for which this writer has become famous. 
The contrast drawn by the author of " The Subaltern in 
America," a British officer in Packenham's army, in the 



248 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

following quotation, forms quite a different picture from 
that sketched by the imagination of Headley. 

" On the summit of the centre works a lofty flag- 
staff was erected, from which a large American ensign 
constantly waved ; whilst in the rear of the breast-work, 
a crowd of white tents showed themselves, not a few oi 
which bore flags at the top of their poles. 

"The American camp exhibited, at least, as much ot 
the pomp and circumstance of war as modern camps are 
acccustomed to exhibit, and the spirits of its inmates 
w T ere kept continually in a state of excitement by the 
bands of martial music. How different was the specta- 
cle, to which a glance towards the rear introduced the 
spectator, presenting exactly the same extent of front. 
The British army lay there without tents, without works, 
without show, without parade, upon the ground. 
Throughout the whole line not more than a dozen huts 
were erected, and these, which consisted only of planks 
torn from the houses and from fences near, furnished 
but an inefficient protection against the inclemency 
of the weather. No band played among our men 
nor did a bugle give its sound, except to warn the 
hearers of danger and put them on the alert. On the 
contrary, the routine of duty was conducted in as 
much silence as if there had been no musical instru- 
ments in the camp. It was impossible not to be struck 
with the contrast which the condition and apparent com- 
forts of the invading and defending hosts presented." 

After the nervousness natural to young soldiers had 
worn off, and the Americans had become, in a measure, 
hardened to their new mode of life, w T ith characteristic 
self-reliance and aptitude for taking care of themselves, 
their camp was made to present an aspect which would 



THE BRITISH BRING TJP THEIR BIG GUNS. 249 

have done credit to a well-appointed army. All this, 
too, was done without the aid of the Government. The 
men who defended those lines were generally gentle- 
men, in the social sense of the word, and provided their 
own equipments, arms, and all their comforts, from their 
own private means. Nor did the gay and high-spirited 
Orleanois renounce entirely their favorite amusements, 
pleasures and gallantries during the severe service at 
the lines. On the contrary, the General-in-chief was 
frequently compelled to administer very severe reproofs 
to both officers and men for sundry derelictions from 
duty and breaches of discipline. Sentinels would be 
eluded and commanders " dodged" whilst all was quiet 
in front, and many a gallant Creole youth would thus 
steal back to town, to snatch a few minutes of delight- 
ful intercourse with wife or sweetheart, and solace his 
spirits and his body with a few of the comforts of home 
and city life. But, woe to him if he were not at his 
post, when reveille sounded, and the signal was given 
for the army to get under arms ! 

Such was the state of affairs within the American 
lines during the time the British were engaged in unceas- 
ing labors, and contending against unexpected and 
insurmountable difficulties and obstacles, in the vain 
hope of rescuing themselves from the perplexing posi- 
tion into which they had been brought. Their move- 
ments in establishing redoubts and batteries at, various 
points were closely watched and vigorously opposed. 
Crawley's thirty-two and You's tVfenty-four were kept 
busy playing upon a redoubt, which the British were 
throwing up on their extreme right, near the woods. 
Notwithstanding its great distance, many of their shot 
took effect, demolishing parts of the redoubts and killing 

11* 



250 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

several men. At night the work would be repaired, and 
Jackson's Artillery would be compelled with the dawn 
of the day to resume the the task of demolition. It was 
fine practice for the American gunners, who were thus 
enabled to attain that extraordinary precision, which so 
greatly amazed the British. 

On the 31st, the redoubt near the woods having been 
repaired and strengthened, commenced a brisk fire on 
the American lines, which was warmly returned. This 
cannonading was kept up on both sides, during the 
whole day. Under cover of this battery several recon- 
noitering parties were observed, traversing the" fields 
and making very careful arid exact observations of the 
position of Jackson's batteries. These parties were not 
neglected by the sleepless cannoniers of the Louisiana, 
who leaving the land batteries to carry on their duel, 
thought proper to keep off any intruders by throwing a 
shower of grape and round shot in every direction where 
any movement was observed in the British camp. Even 
individuals were thus picked off, and reconnoitering 
duty became equal in desperateness to that of the for- 
lorn hope in a storming party. 

Jackson soon discovered the design of the British. 
The activity in their camp, — the frequent reconnois- 
sances, — the withdrawal of the great body of the troops 
to the rear, — all the signs indicated a new and more 
vigorous blow than had yet been aimed at his insignifi- 
cant fortifications. 

On the night of the 31st the American sentinels and out- 
posts reported that the whole British army had advanced 
within five or six hundred yards of their lines, and 
could be distinctly heard at work with spades, digging 
the earth or hammering at certain wood- work. What 



THE BRITISH BEING UP THEIE BIG GITN3. 251 

could it all mean ? was the query which ran through 
the camp, and greatly inflamed the natural curiosity of 
the Americans as to what would be the next move of 
the red-coats ? ' This was the inquiry of the young 
soldiers. There were veterans in the lines — men who 
had served in regular armies — old soldiers of Dumou- 
rier, Hoche, Moreau, and Napoleon, who perceived at a 
glance the design of the enemy, and collecting around 
them groups of younger soldiers, plain militiamen, 
explained to them, with a pruriency of military techni- 
calities, the whole plan of the British.- 

They were correct in their calculations that the British 
were about to try what virtue there was in batteries and 
big guns. Packenham had consented to give the artil- 
lery and navy an opportunity of redeeming the fortunes 
of the army, by attempting to effect a breach in Jack- 
son's works. Accordingly, on the night of the 31st, 
twenty long eighteen and ten twenty-fours having been 
brought into camp, with ammunition enough for six 
hours' continued cannonading, it was determined to 
throw up several redoubts within a short distance of the 
American lines. As soon as it was dark, half of the 
army was ordered out, and marched silently to the front, 
passing the pickets, and halting when they reached a 
designated spot, about four hundred yards from Jack- 
son's camp. Here the men were ordered to stack arms 
and go to work with spades and picks, under the direc- 
tion of the engineering officers, and the general super- 
intendence of Colonel (now General) Sir John Burgoyne, 
Inspector of Fortifications in the British army, and 
Director of the Engineering operations before Sevas- 
topol. The men worked with great vigor and activity. 
The 85th and 95th hovered in front and on the flanks to 



252 JACKSON AND NEW. ORLEANS. 

cover the working parties. The night was dark. The 
utmost silence was rigidly enforced by the officers. 
Each man strove to accomplish his task more promptly 
and satisfactorily than his neighbor. The officers joined 
in the work. Not a few hands, which w T ere unused to 
toil, were hardened by that night's labor. Every one 
who had the strength wielded a spade or pickaxe, 
"knowing, as we all knew," remarks the Subaltern, 
"that w r e worked for life or death." The work had to 
be done with caution and silence as well as zeal and 
vigor, for the " cunning Yankees " were evidently alive, 
and they might thus lose the effect which the sudden- 
ness of their new movement was expected to produce. 
The work in which the British were thus earnestly 
employed was the erection and solidification of several 
redoubts, from which it was proposed to open upon the 
American entrenchments a fire which must sweep such 
frail structures from the earth. In making the embank- 
ments of the redoubts, the engineers were sorely pressed 
for solid material. Everything which appeared to possess 
any capacity for resistance was thrown into the mounds, 
so as to give them solidity and strength. Even the 
hogsheads of sugar that lay around the ruins of the 
sugar-houses of the plantations near, were rolled to the 
front, and placed upright in the parapets, under the 
belief that they would prove to be quite as useful in 
resisting cannon balls as sand, which is frequently used 
for this purpose. Several thousand dollars' worth of 
sugar was thus wasted. 

The result of these great labors was the completion, 
before dawn, of three solid demilunes, placed on the 
right, centre and left, at nearly equal distances apart, in 
which were established thirty pieces of heavy ordnance, 



THE BRITISH BRING UP THEIR BIG GUNS. 253 

with the necessary quantity of ammunition. Manned 
by the artillerists and the picked gunners of the fleet — 
the veterans of ISTelson and Collinsgwood — this powerful 
battery was placed in the most efficient condition to 
open upon the enemy's lines as soon as they should be- 
come visible through the morning mist. 



254 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 



XIII. 
BATTLE OF THE BATTERIES. 

A thick fog ushered in the first of January, 1815. 
To an unusual late hour of the morning, this fog hung 
over the fields and obscured all objects, so that neither 
army could see twenty yards to the front. As soon as 
the works were completed, the British infantry fell back 
about two hundred yards in the rear of their battery, 
where, drawn up in battle array, they awaited anxiously 
to observe the effect of the new plan of operations, and 
prepared to take advantage of the expected breach, 
which was to be made in the American works. The 
artillerists and sailors stood with lighted matches behind 
the compact redoubts, which were so constructed as to 
be defended, as well against the flanking fire of the 
Louisiana and of Paterson's batteries, as against the 
batteries in front. Thus they stood, impatiently waiting 
for the sun to dissipate the heavy vapors which con- 
cealed its face long after it had risen above the horizon. 

The Americans not being disturbed at break of day, 
as their veterans had predicted, by the apprehended 
bombardment, had resumed their equability and careless 
demeanor. Indeed, they had turned out, to honor and 
salute the New Year, by various joyful demonstrations. 
A grand parade was ordered. At an early hour all the 
troops were out in clean clothes, with bright arms, and 



BATTLE OF THE BATTERIES. 255 

cheerful countenances. The different military bands 
pealed forth their most animating strains. The various 
regimental and company standards were unfurled, and 
fluttered gaily in the morning breeze. Officers rode to 
and fro through the camp, full of pride and enthusiasm. 
Many citizens who had been permitted to come into camp, 
to see their relations and friends, were walking carelessly 
over the field in which the tents were pitched. All was 
animation, confidence, security and joviality in the 
American camp. This condition of affairs in the Ameri- 
can lines was perceived by the British, who chafed 
with impatience to convert the scene into one of a very 
different character. The day was far advanced before 
the heavy fog which obstructed the view from the 
British batteries rolled up, like a stage-curtain, and the 
bright sun came forth to reveal and expose the animated 
spectacle of the American camp. But the British did 
not pause to contemplate this scene. At a signal from 
the central redoubt, thirty large cannon belched forth 
their fiery missiles upon the American lines at point 
blank distance. At the same time, to render the fire 
more impressive and startling, m} r riads of Congreve 
rockets were thrown up from the redoubts, which filled 
the firmament with flaming orbits and rained meteoric 
showers upon the fields around and upon the American 
camp. It would be vain to deny that the Americans 
were startled by the suddenness and violence of this 
cannonade Their parade was quickly ended. The 
men broke ranks and dis}:>ersed, not as some British 
writers hare represented, in terror and alarm, but to 
proceed to their respective posts in the lines. The post 
of duty on this occasion was not the post of danger, for 
it was only when standing immediately behind their 



256 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

parapet that the Americans were safe from the shot and 
shells of the enemy. ]STo one in their camp was in 
greater danger than the General-in-Chief. The head- 
quarters at Macarte's was the favorite target of the 
British battery near the road. Here Jackson, surrounded 
by his staff, was taking a hurried breakfast, when, as 
the first intimation of the opening of the British batteries, 
there came a terrific crash of balls, rockets and shells, 
which, piercing the frail walls of the old chateau, passed 
through every part of it, scattering bricks, splinters of 
wood, and furniture, and plaster in every direction, so 
that several of the General's aids were thickly covered 
with the rubbish. It was a miracle that no one was 
hurt, though for ten minutes after the batteries opened, 
not less than a hundred balls, rockets and shells struck 
the house. It became too warm a place, for even the 
fearless General. Calling his aids around him he walked 
towards the lines. Here he found the men all at their 
posts, regarding with breathless anxiety and some 
degree of nervousness, the shock which the tremendous 
cannonade of the enemy communicated to their embank- 
ment, and to the very ground upon which they stood. 
It was indeed a scene calculated to awe and alarm raw 
soldiers and civilians. The incessant roar and blaze of 
thirty large cannons, the tremor of the earth under the 
heavy weight of the missiles, the awful hissing and 
crashing of shells, the "red glare" of streaming, circling 
rockets, and the thick smoke, which the dampness of the 
atmosphere gathered over the scene, formed a picture 
of the awfully sublime, such as new soldiers are not 
often required to face, nor ever expected to view, with- 
out some degree of anxiety, not to say alarm. But 
nobly did Jackson's men face these terrific demonstra- 



BATTLE OF THE BATTERIES. 257 

tions. The artillerists stood ready with their guns 
pointed and matches lighted, waiting until the smoke of 
the British guns should disappear and expose the position 
of their batteries. Jackson's first glance, when he 
reached the line, was in the direction of Humphrey's 
battery. There stood this "right arm" of the artillery, 
dressed in his usual plain attire, smoking that eternal 
cigar, coolly levelling his guns, and directing his men. 

"Ah!" exclaimed the General, " all is right; Hum- 
phrey is at his post, and will return their compliments 
presently." Then, accompanied by his aids, he walked 
down the line to the left, stopping at each battery to 
inspect its condition, and waving his cap to the men as 
they gave him three cheers, and observing to the 
soldiers, "Don't mind these rockets, they are mere toys 
to amuse children." 

Presently the American lines broke their ominous 
silence. Humphrey led off on the right with his twelves, 
firing several volleys before the other guns began, there- 
by creating the false hope in the breasts of the enemy 
that their terrific cannonade would be gently returned. 
But soon Dominique, and Norris, and Spotts dissipated 
this delusion, and with their larger guns joined the cho- 
rus. Next, the veteran Garrique with his twelve 
pounder, directed his particular attention to the redoubt 
on the British right and in his front, whilst Crawley 
made the earth tremble under the reverberations of his 
huge piece. And now once fairly opened, the batteries 
of the Americans poured forth, without pause or cessa- 
tion, a constant stream of fiery missiles, which soon de- 
stroyed the hope of the British that it was to be a one- 
sided affair. There is nothing in this brilliant campaign 
more remarkable than the vigor, destructiveness, and 



258 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

complete success of this cannonade on the part of the 
Americans. The coolness of the commanders of the 
batteries, the precision of their fire, and the regularity 
of their discharges, amazed the veterans in both armies. 
The phlegmatic Humphreys, with his eternal cigar, his 
keen eye cocked carelessly over the embrasure, his 
quiet manner, and those inspiring words of command, 
"Let her off," which preceded the discharge of his 
pieces ; the prompt energetic bearing of Lieut. Spotts, 
a small man of indomitable courage, commanding a 
hardy band of those besmoked tars, who from the decks 
of the Carolina had hurled such a terrible tornado into 
the British camp on the night of the 23d of December ; 
the agile, wiry, quick-eyed and ferocious Dominique ; 
You, standing on the very edge of the embankment, 
exposed to the storms of British shot, and in loud and 
defiant terms in French, exciting his grim, scarred, and 
desperate warriors, to fire more briskly, to cram their 
pieces to the mouth, with those terrible chain-shot, and 
ponderous ship cannister, and every description of 
destructive missile; Norn's, calm, and officer-like, hand- 
ling his piece and directing his men as if merely exer- 
cising them; Crawley with equal phlegm and ease, 
leveling his monster with fatal precision ; and the 
enthusiastic Garrique, stirring up the warm blood of 
his old Napoleon artillerists, who, before their ancient 
foe, felt the vengeance, the hostility of long years 
welling up in their bosoms, and banishing all fear or 
pity. These were some of the main features in that 
memorable scene, which greeted the proud and daunt- 
less gaze of the heroic Jackson, as he passed slow- 
ly down the lines, infusing spirit, courage, and vigor 
into all, who beheld his erect bearing, his flashing 



BATTLE OF THE BATTERIES. 259 

eye, and determined countenance. And so, for an hour 
the fire raged and the batteries belched forth their iron 
lava, — and, to the lookers on, it appeared as if those 
guns were as inexhaustible as Vesuvius. In that com- 
bat, it was quite obvious that the British had several 
advantages. Their batteries presented a very narrow 
front and slight elevation on a spacious plain, the sur- 
face of which was from four to six feet below the level 
of the American platforms. The American works offer- 
ed a fair target, in a line about one thousand yards long, 
the top of the parapet being higher than the platforms 
of the British. Nor were their guns badly handled. It 
could not be otherwise, manned as they were by veter- 
an artillerists and the famous naval gunners, — who had 
fought at Trafalgar, the Nile, and Copenhagen. Their 
shot rarely missed their object. Several of their balls 
struck the American guns.. Dominique's twenty-four 
had its carriage broken ; Crawley's thirty-two was also 
damaged, the foretrain of Garrique's twelve was broken, 
and two caissons, in one of which there were a hundred 
pounds of powder, were blown up. 

But what were all these proofs of skill and good 
practice, compared with the extraordinary achieve- 
ments of the American gunners? The British, it will 
be remembered, had at least thirty guns of the largest 
calibre ; the Americans only ten of various calibres, 
several being six-pounders. Yet, in an hour and a 
quarter after the batteries opened, the British fire began 
to slacken. It was evident they were hurt, damaged, 
crippled. With intense interest and eagerness the 
Americans strove to pierce the smoke which enveloped 
the British redoubts, in order to ascertain the extent of 
the damage. Soon, it was quite perceptible on both 



260 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

sides, that the embankments of the batteries were all 
beaten in, the guns exposed, and some of the artillerists 
killed. The infantry, which had been ordered to be 
ready for an advance, when a breach was made in the 
American works, grew impatient, and became so 
exposed that it was deemed prudent to retire them 
again into the ditches. As the fire of the British slack- 
ened, that of the Americans increased in power and 
accuracy. There was a slight flickering of hope in their 
bosoms, and a feeble cheer, when an American caisson 
blew up. It was a brief exultation. The Americans 
shouted back their defiance, and redoubled their fire. 
With a terrible crash, the heavy round and chain shot 
tore through the thick and compact mound of the 
redoubts, and scattered into fragments. Then it was 
discovered, that a great error had been committed, in 
using hogsheads of sugar in the construction of their 
parapets. The balls penetrated these hogsheads as if 
they were so many empty casks, dismounting the guns, 
and killing the men in the very centre of the works. It 
was thus shown that sugar is a very different material 
from sand. 

On the other side, the Americans were equally unsuc- 
cessful in attempting to employ one of the great staples 
of the country for warlike purposes. A flatboat, which 
lay near the American camp, had in it some fifty bales 
of cotton, the property of that since famous cotton spe- 
culator, Vincent ISTolte, who had purchased them from 
Major Plauche, commandant of the Orleans battalion. 
In the hurried construction, of the embankment, these 
bales had been rolled out and thrown into the pile of 
earth to increase its bulk. On this day, the enemy's 
balls striking one of these bales knocked it out of the 



BATTLE OF THE BATTEBIES. 261 

mound, set fire to the cotton, and sent it flying about to 
the great danger of the ammunition. The bales were 
consequently removed, and some of them falling on the 
outside of the breastwork into the ditch, there issued 
from them a heavy smoke, which blinded the artille- 
rists, and seriously obstructed their operations. Some 
of the men of Plauche's battalion volunteered to extin- 
guish the burning cotton, and, slipping over the breast- 
work, succeeded in doing so, not, however, without 
injury, one of the parties being seriously wounded. 
After this no cotton bales were ever used in the breast- 
work. Yet, a vulgar error has long prevailed that 
Jackson's defences were composed chiefly of this great 
staple, which, though modern science has discovered to 
possess certain inflammable qualities, suited for some of 
the operations of war, is, perhaps, one of the most inse- 
cure and dangerous materials out of which a breastwork 
to resist cannon balls, shells and rockets could be con- 
structed. The imaginations of the British, excited by 
avarice, by the prospect of sharing the immense quan- 
tity of this valuable product, reported to be accu- 
mulated in the city of New Orleans, might be excused, 
for seeing such a vast heap of it, lying, like the apple 
of Tantalus, within their grasp, and alluring them to 
death and disgrace. But American writers are scarcely 
pardonable for a repetition of this absurdity, that Jack- 
son's lines were composed, in whole, or in part, of 
cotton bales. The experience of this campaign demon- 
strated, that sugar and cotton were intended for peaceful 
uses, for the nurture, conservation and protection of 
humanity, and not as aids and appliances in promoting 
man's destruction and encouraging his passions. It 
demonstrated this other valuable truth, that the soil of 



262 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Louisiana is the best material out of which to construct 
its own defence. It was the sole material of Jackson's 
slight breastwork. The British balls were embedded in 
the soft elastic earth, where they remained without 
shaking or weakening the embankment. Indeed, they 
contributed to render it more solid. The only inlets 
through which they had access into the lines, were 
through the embrasures for the cannon, and nearly all 
these were penetrated several times. But the British 
were not able to pursue these advantages. Their works 
were rapidly melting before the fire of the Americans. 
Soon their redoubt was completely silenced, and the 
parapets levelled With the plain. Then the Americans 
raised the most stentorian huzzas, as the British artiller- 
ists were seen stealing out of their demolished works, 
and running as fast as they could for the nearest ditch. 
The American batteries waxed warmer, and continued 
their fire at the other redoubts, until they, too, were 
soon in a condition similar to that which had been the 
first object of their fury. 

And now the sun had nearly reached the meridian, 
and a momentary respite being ordered in the Ameri- 
can lines, to allow the pieces to cool off, the smoke 
ascended from the stricken plain. Lo ! what a scene 
was presented to the exulting army of Jackson. As if 
by magic the terrible works, so scientifically and labo- 
riously constructed, from which the iron death was to 
be poured upon the patriotic defenders of their own 
soil, whose formidable aspect had excited such alarm 
and anxiety, but a few hours before, had vanished like 
the "baseless fabric of a vision, and left not a wreck 
behind." The big guns which had won so many vic- 
tories for England on the sea, lay all crippled, broken, 



BATTLE OF THE BATTERIES. 263 

dismantled, and heaped up with rubbish, while those 
who had so often hurled destruction and defiance from 
their mouths, were retiring with a speed worthy of Eng- 
lish " blood and bottom," to the rear. Never was work 
more completely done — more perfectly finished and 
rounded off. Earth and heaven fairly shook with the 
prolonged shouts of the Americans over this spectacle. 
Still the remorseless artillerists would not cease their 
fire. The British infantry would now and then raise 
their heads and peep forth from the ditches in which 
they were so ingloriously ensconced. The level plain 
presented but a few knolls or elevations to shelter them, 
and the American artillerists were as skillful as rifle- 
men in picking off those who exposed ever so small a 
portion of their bodies/" Several extraordinary exam- 

* Colonel John Burgoyne, the engineer who constructed these works, which were so 
effectually demolished by Jackson's artillery on the 1st of January, 1S15, has expe- 
rienced other disasters of a like character during his long service. The failure of the 
bombardment of Sevastopol during the present campaign, where he (John Burgoyne) 
directed the English works, has provoked from some military critic in the London 
Times, the following severe review of his military career, which will be found interest- 
ing from the similarity of the error charged upon Sir John in his operations before 
Sevastopol with that committed by him at New Orleans, and as a remarkable example 
of an officer who has learned nothing from the most impressive and striking expe- 
rience, and memorable disasters : 

"It is a curious coincidence in the history of one's life, that Sir John Burgoyne 
should, in the prime and at the end of his military career, have commanded the engi- 
neers in two great sieges, and twice have been foiled from the very same circumstan- 
ces. In 1S12, when the Duke of Wellington advanced against Burgos, the town was unfor- 
tified, an old castle had been modernized, and the French had thrown up three lines of 
earthworks around the hill on which it stood. These had been executed in haste, and 
in defiance of all rule, but against those we fired, sapped, and mined in vain ; two 
thousand French soldiers held the place against an English army commanded by a 
general, undefeated up to that time, but who was then forced to retreat, to abandon 
his siege train, and the campaign of that year was a failure. After forty-two years, 
Sir John again commands before Sevastopol, and again the same thing occurs. A 
few earthworks are thrown up in haste before our very eyes, and the career or a victo- 
rious army is arrested. And why is this? Had Sir John been able to read the signs 
of the times, the lesson so rudely taught him at Burgos would not have been thrown 
away. Oar Engineers would have known what earthworks were, and been prepared 
with means to destroy them, if such be possible, or we should never have sat down 



264: J1CKS0N AND NEW ORLEANS. 

pies of this slu?l were communicated to tlie writer by a 
British officer who was attached to Packenham's army. 
A number of the officers of the 93d, having taken 
refuge in a shallow hollow behind a slight elevation, it 
it was proposed that the only married officer of the party 
should lie at the bottom, it being deemed the safest 
place. Lieutenant Phaups was the officer indicated, 
and laughingly assumed the position assigned him. 
This mound had attracted the attention of the American 
gunners, and a great quantity of shot was thrown at it. 
Lieutenant Phaups could not resist the anxiety to see 
what was going on in front, and peeping forth, with not 
more than half of his head exposed, was struck by a 



before them as we have done, to run the risk of failure. We are reduced to our pre- 
sent straits simply and solely because Sir John, at the head of a large party of vete- 
rans, has, during the forty years of peace, resisted every improvement in military 
science as a personal insult to their superior knowledge and experience, and they 
have, in consequence of their position, been able to keep things pretty much as they 
were at the end of the last war. Sir J. Burgoyne is preeminently what in official par- 
lance is termed ' a safe man ;' he never troubled the ministry for money to make sci- 
entific experiments, or to improve the education of engineers or artillerymen. For 
every inventor he had a bucket of cold water administered in the blandest manner 
possible. He possessed above all men, the. art of keeping things smooth and quiet in 
Pallmall, and rose in favor and in fortune accordingly. He hoped, of course, that 
these things would last his time, and so they would have done but for this ugly Russian 
war, which has destroyed all these visions of quiet; and we now find ourselves 
engaged in a struggle with the most barbarous nation of Europe, whose soldiers are 
serfs, whose officers are half educated, and whose military system is corrupt to the 
core, yet in every scientific point they have shown themselves as superior to us in mili- 
tary, as we are to them and the rest of Europe in military engineering. Their artillery 
silences ours without difficulty. The shells are larger, and thrown with greater pre- 
cision than ours, and their skill in fortification amazes our officers, who can make no 
head against it. Their science, in short, has made up for all their other deficiencies, 
and neutralized all the intelligence and bravery of our noble soldiers; and for all this 
we have to thank Sir John Burgoyne and his band of co-obstructives, who have 
reduced the skill of the most scientific and enterprising people of Europe below the 
level of the most barbarous. Will even the people of England and Parliament, though 
generally so ignorant and careless on such matters, submit to this much longer ? It 
has required a war as dreadful as this one is, to open our eyes to the absurdities of 
our military system ; but if it does so effectually, those who have fallen because of 
their superiors, will not all, at least, have fallen in vain." 



BATTLE OF THE BATTERIES. 265 

twelve-pound shot, and instantly killed. His compa- 
nions buried him on the spot on which he fell, in full 
uniform. Several officers and men were picked off in a 
similar manner. 

During the cannonading, the British had sent a 
detachment of light troops through the woods on the 
left of the Americans, to see what impression could be 
made on that quarter. But Jackson, warned by the 
experience of the 28th, had given special attention to 
this part of his lines. As soon as the British showed 
themselves in this quarter, Coffee ordered his men to 
drive them into the swamp, and drown them. The agile 
Tennesseeans, leaping like cats from log to log, and 
utterly indifferent to mire and water, satisfied the 
heavy, beef-eating, bog-fearing Britons, that they could 
beat them at swamp righting, and soon drove off the 
intruders. On the Levee the British battery had been 
quite active and efficient in holding the Louisiana at 
bay, and exchanging shots with Patterson's marine bat- 
tery on the right bank of the river. They fired witli 
great precision, and several of their shot struck Patter- 
son's works, but produced no serious injury. The main 
object of this battery was to destroy the Louisiana. 
For this purpose, shot were kept constantly heated. 
But the Louisiana remained beyond the reach of this 
battery. Humphrey, after completing the demolition of 
the redoubts in front, now turned his attention to that 
on the Levee, and, uniting his fire with Patterson's, 
soon demolished the work. 

The British had abandoned all their redoubts. But 
still they were not out of the reach of the American 
guns. Impatiently they waited for the cover of night 
to escape from the fierce clutch of their indefatigable 

12 



266 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

foe, and gain once more that desolate, but now desired 
camping ground, from which they had advanced with 
such high hopes the night before. Even this movement 
was attended with difficulty and danger; for when 
night drew her sable curtain over the scene, the Ame- 
rican scouts resumed their old predatory practices, and 
crept near enough to throw their whizzing bullets at 
every visible living object. Never were brave men 
more dispirited and cast down than Packenham's sol- 
diers, as they wended their slow and dreary way back 
to their old camp. They had been without food or 
sleep for sixty hours. They were worn down with 
fatigue, suffering, exhaustion and exposure to the damp 
night air. "What was worse than all, they were pros- 
trated in hoi:>e and spirits. No wonder they murmured 
audibly against such labors, trials and deprivations. 
Military glory had ceased to occupy their minds and 
imaginations. Avarice was extinct in their hearts. 
They thought only of the present, the dark, gloomy, 
desolate present ; of their unavailing advances, their 
unaccountable failures, their severe losses, their inces- 
sant fatigues. If men ever were driven to the verge of 
despair, if an army ever reached a condition, which 
would have palliated, if not justified mutiny and rebel- 
lion, certainly the soldiers of Packenham were in that 
state on the night of the 1st of January, 1815. Nor did 
their labors end with the retirement of the army. 
Again the men were ordered out to drag the dismounted 
guns into camp. It was a terrible task. The soil was 
soft, and the guns were very heavy. It was not until 
morning that all the guns which were. considered of any 
value could be removed. Five of them were left 
behind, and subsequently became the property of the 



BATTLE OF THE BATTERIES. 267 

Americans. This labor being accomplished, the troops 
were all called into camp. The officers and men 
eagerly threw themselves on the damp ground, and 
were soon wrapped in deep slumber. That whilom 
busy and active camp, was now as still and quiet as a 
grave-yard. 

Different feelings and desires agitated the American 
army. The infantry had regarded with unbounded joy 
and pride, the brilliant performances of the artillery, 
which monopolized the labor and glory of the day. 
Indifferent to the shower of balls, shells and rockets, 
which were thrown into every part of the line, the men 
who were not on duty, would crowd around the guns, 
to witness the wonderful precision and coolness with 
which they were directed and managed. Many of the 
infantry were employed in aiding the artillerists, bring- 
ing the ammunition, and performing other useful tasks 
about the batteries. 

Among those w T ho were thus engaged, was one, whose 
memory is cherished with pious devotion by thousands 
in the community, which he so long blessed with his 
inexhaustible benevolence. The 1st of January, 1815, 
witnessed the only scene of contention and bloodshed, 
in the long, peaceful and virtuous life of that pure- 
minded philanthropist, Judah Touro, whose fame is 
coequal with the boundaries of this Republic, and has 
extended to distant and foreign lands, which lie has 
brightened and comforted by his beneficence. 

After performing other severe labors as a common 
soldier in the ranks, Mr. Touro, on the 1st of January, 
volunteered his services to aid in carrying shot and shell 
from the magazine to Humphrey's battery. In this 
humble but perilous duty, he was seen actively engaged 



268 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

during the terrible cannonade with which the British 
opened the day, regardless of the clond of iron missiles 
which flew around him, when many of the stoutest- 
hearted clung closely to the embankment or sought some 
shelter. But in the discharge of duty, this good man 
knew no fear, and perceived no danger. It was whilst 
thus engaged, that he was struck on the thigh by a 
twelve-pound shot, which produced a ghastly and dan- 
gerous wound, tearing off a large mass of flesh. Mr. 
Touro long survived this event, leading a life of unos- 
tentatious piety and charity, and setting an example of 
active philanthropy, which justly merited the fervent 
gratitude and warm affection in which he was held by 
the community of which he was justly regarded as the 
Patriarch — the " Israelite without guile." 

No charitable appeal was ever made to him in vain. 
His contributions to philanthropic and pious enterprises 
exceed those of any other citizen. The same patriotism 
which prompted him to expose his life on the plains of 
Chalmette, dictated that handsome donation of ten 
thousand dollars for the completion of the Bunker Hill 
Monument, and has characterized a thousand other 
deeds of like liberality, performed " by stealth,' 7 which 
were no less commendable for their generosity than 
their entire freedom from sectarian feeling or selfish 
aim. 

An incident, illustrative of the beauty of friendship 
and gratitude, of the noble and gentle traits of humanity, 
may serve as an agreeable relief in this narrative of strife 
and bloodshed. 

Judah Touro and Eezin D. Shepherd, two enterprising 
merchants, the one from Boston and the other from Vir- 
ginia, had settled in New Orleans at the commencement 



BATTLE OF THE BATTEKIES. 269 

of the present century. They were intimate, devoted 
friends, who lived under the same roof, and were scarcely 
ever separated. When the State was invaded, both 
volunteered their services, and were enrolled among its 
defenders. Mr. Touro was attached to the Regiment of 
Louisiana Militia, and Mr. Shepherd to Captain Ogden's 
Horse Troop. 

Commodore Patterson, who was an intimate friend of 
Mr. Shepherd, solicited Gen. Jackson to detach him, as 
his Aid, to assist the Commodore in the erection of his 
battery on the right bank of the river, and in the de- 
fence of that position. It was whilst acting as Patter- 
son's Aid, that Mr. Shepherd came across the river, on 
the 1st of January, with orders to procure two masons 
to execute some work on the Commodore's battery. The 
first person Mr. Shepherd saw, on reaching the left bank, 
was Reuben Kemper, who informed him that his old 
friend Touro was dead. Forgetting his urgent and im- 
portant mission, Mr. Shepherd eagerly inquired whither 
they had taken his friend. He was directed to a wall 
of an old building, which had been demolished by the 
British battery in the rear of Jackson's headquarters, 
and on reaching it, found Mr. Touro in an apparently 
dying condition. He was in charge of Dr. Kerr, who 
had dressed his wound, but who, shaking his head, de- 
clared that there was no hope for him. Mr. Shepherd, 
with the devotion of true friendship, determined to 
make every effort to save his old companion. He pro- 
cured a cart, and lifting the wounded man into it, drove 
to the city. He administered brandy very freely to his 
fainting and prostrate friend, and thus in a great degree 
kept him alive.* On reaching the city, Mr. Shepherd 

* The good old man used to say this was the only time he ever drank to excess. 



270 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

carried Touro into his house, and there obtaining the 
services, as nurses, of some of those noble ladies of the 
city, who devoted themselves with so much ardor to the 
care and attendance of the sick and wounded of Jack- 
son's army, and seeing that he was supported with every 
comfort and need, he hastened to discharge the import- 
ant duty which had been confided to him, and which 
he had nearly pretermitted, in responding to the still 
more sacred calls of friendship and affection. 

It was late in the day before Shepherd, having per- 
formed his mission, returned to Patterson's battery. The 
cloud of anger was gathering on the brow of the Com- 
modore, when he met his delinquent or dilatory aid, but 
it soon dispersed, when the latter frankly and promptly 
exclaimed, 

" Commodore, you can hang or shoot me, and it will 
be all right ; but my best friend needed my assistance, 
and nothing on earth could have induced me to neglect 
him." He then stated the circumstances of Mr. Touro's 
misfortune, and the causes of his dilatory execution of 
the duty assigned to him. Commodore Patterson was a 
man — he appreciated the feelings of his aid, and thought 
more of him after this incident than before. They con- 
tinued warm friends throughout the campaign, and ever 
afterwards. 

Shepherd and Touro, with a friendship thus tested 
and cemented, were ever afterwards inseparable in this 
world. Death alone could sever them, and then only 
in a material sense. Such fidelity deserved the rich 
reward which fortune showered on them. They became 
millionaires, and as the most valuable of their posses- 
sions retained the esteem and regard of the community 
of which they were the patriarchs. 



BATTLE OF THE BATTERIES. 271 

On the 18th of January, 1851, the venerable philan- 
thropist, Judali Touro, was " gathered unto his fathers," 
amid the lamentations of the whole population of New 
Orleans. Public journals in their columns, and divines 
in their pulpits, offered eloquent and just tributes to his 
virtues. No man ever died in the city, who was more 
universally regretted, or whose memory will be more 
gratefully preserved. "A few clays before his death — -to- 
wit, on 6th January, 1854 — Mr. Touro made a will, dis- 
posing of his immense property. That will is an eternal 
monument of his goodness and philanthropy. It is not 
less remarkable for its liberal and discriminating charity, 
than for the earnest affection and gratitude which the 
good old man cherished for all who had been kind to 
him in life. After distributing one -half of his estate 
among various charitable and religious institutions, 
including a splendid legacy of §80,000 to that much- 
needed institution, an Aims-House in New Orleans, and 
handsome endowments to all the Hebrew congregations 
in the country, as well as a large legacy in favor of the 
project of restoring the scattered tribes of Israel to Je- 
rusalem, with numerous private legacies to individual 
friends, Mr. Touro thus nobly embodies and expresses 
the gratitude and friendship, which, for nearly forty 
years, had warmed his heart towards his old friend and 
constant associate for half a century : 



" And as regards my other designated executor, say my dear, old 
and devoted friend, Rezin Davis Shepherd, to whom, under Divine 
Providence, I was greatly indebted for the preservation of my life, 
when I was wounded on the 1st of January, 1815, I hereby appoint 
and institute him, the said Rezin Davis Shepherd, after the payment 
of my particular legacies, and the debts of my succession, the uni- 



272 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

versal legatee of the rest and residue of my estate, movable and 
immovable." 

As residuary legatee, Mr. Shepherd inherits a prop- 
erty sufficient to make him wealthy, if he were not 
already so ; but the worthy legatee, regarding this hand- 
some donation as a testimonial of gratitude and friend- 
ship, has determined to apply it to such uses as he 
knows would have gratified his old friend, if he were 
alive. He has therefore offered to expend the greater 
part of it in the improvement of a street in New Orleans 
upon which they had both passed their lives — the scene 
of their old and long friendship, and which Mr. Shep- 
herd desires to consecrate to the memory of his old 
friend, by improving it conformably to a darling plan 
of Mr. Touro, and by bestowing the name of the 
deceased philanthropist upon it. 

Such are the incidents of a friendship, even in this 
age of commerce and mammon-worship, as true, as 
noble, as constant, as pure and unselfish as that which 
the poets have immortalized in the beautiful episodes of 
Orestes and Pylades, of ISTisus and Euryalus, of David 
and Jonathan. 

Jackson's loss on the 1st of January was marvelously 
small, considering the immense number of shot and shell 
that fell in his camp. Thirty-four killed and wounded 
were the reported loss. Nearly all the killed were of 
persons, many of them spectators, who gathered on the 
mads and in the rear of the camp, to see or hear what 
was going on. Such results were quite as wonderful as 
the other incidents of this wonderful campaign. 



\ 



TWO NOTABLE WARRIORS AND REVOLUTIONISTS. 273 



XIV. 

TWO NOTABLE WARRIORS AND REVOLUTIONISTS. 

The retirement of the British, after the disastrous 
repulse of the first of January, restored quiet and 
confidence to the American camp, and afforded the 
" Hunters " an opportunity of resuming their favorite 
occupation and amusement, of annoying the outposts of 
the enemy, night and day, by sudden attacks of detached 
parties, and often by penetrating their camp, or creep- 
ing near to their lines of communication and picking off 
sentinels, decoying deserters, and driving in pickets. 
These scouting parties, composed of volunteers from the 
various corps, would organize, select their officers on 
the spot, and embracing the first leave of absence from 
duty in their lines, would suddenly dash upon some 
exposed point of the British camp, and regard it very 
poor luck, if they did not pick off a " redcoat " or two. 
General Jackson frequently needed the services of these 
scouting parties to ascertain the movements of the 
enemy, and perform other services, requiring courage, 
caution, skill and fortitude. That sagacious man never 
failed to perceive and select the proper agents he 
required for any trust. Indeed, his quick and correct 
observation of character was the real secret of much of 
his success, and of his great command over men. It is 
one of the highest attributes of genius. 

In this crowd of chivalric warriors, assembled in 
12* 



274 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Jackson's camp, who were ever ready for any duty, 
how onerous or perilous soever, there were two chiefs, 
to whom the General's attention was frequently called 
by their gallant bearing and soldierly virtues. Their 
previous histories were familiar to him. They were 
men who had figured conspicuously in important 
events. It will no doubt be regarded an excusable 
digression, from the regular course of this narrative, to 
snatch from the perishing records, in which their deeds 
are chronicled, some memorials of men, who were 
representatives and embodiments of prevailing ideas of 
their age. They were of that class of adventurers who 
have achieved so much for the Southwest, the Yalley 
of the Mississippi, and the State of Louisiana, by giving 
practical effect to the principle, that every people have 
the right to possess and control the country which they 
occupy and cultivate, free from foreign domination. In 
that age they were called Liberators and Patriots ; now 
they might be denounced as "Pirates and Fillibus- 
teros." -One of them lived to see his design consum- 
mated, and those who were instrumental in effecting it, 
lauded as heroes and patriots. The other died too soon, 
and had he lived to a much greater age, would still 
have been far from a realization of the dream, which, in 
his youth, he prosecuted with so much enthusiasm and 
earnestness. The field of the ambition and labors of the 
one was the Yalley of the Mississippi ; that of the other 
was, unfortunate, ever struggling, ever enslaved Ire- 
land. 

Reuben Kemper, the indomitable enemy of Spanish 
dominion in America, lived to see the last remnant of 
that once splendid power extinguished on this con- 
tinent. 



TWO NOTABLE WARRIORS AND REVOLUTIONISTS. 275 

General Humbert, the hero and chief of the French 
expedition which aimed at the establishment of Irish 
Independence in 1798, was disappointed in his early 
hopes and struggles, but lived long enough to see his 
old enemy and Ireland's oppressor, subjected to the 
bitterest defeats and most mortifying disasters that ever 
fell upon that proud and haughty power. 

These two remarkable men met for the first time on 
the Plains of Chalmette. Jackson did not regard them 
as " Pirates and Robbers," because they had left their 
own countries to aid an oppressed people to throw off 
the yoke of foreign despots. He viewed them in their 
true light, as brave, sincere, reliable men, lovers of 
liberty, and foes of despotism. He gave them his con- 
fidence, and entrusted them with " enterprises of great 
pith and moment." They never failed to justify this 
confidence. 

Reuben Kemper was one of several brothers who 
were born in Virginia, and early emigrated to the 
West. Their father was a venerable and remarkable 
character. He was a Baptist preacher, no less dis- 
tinguished for his piety, natural eloquence, and all the 
patriarchal virtues, than for his imposing figure, his 
great simplicity of conduct and manners, and love of 
frontier life. This venerable man lived to a great old 
age, in the neighborhood of Cincinnati, Ohio, of which 
State he was an early settler. He had seven sons, all 
youths of mark— of extraordinary strength, courage and 
daring. Three of them, Nathan, Reuben and Samuel, 
settled in the Mississippi Territory, near Pinckey ville, 
adjacent to the present Louisiana line, which then 
divided the territory of the United States and Spain. 
Their strong sense, pleasing address, manly carriage 



JA.CKS0N AND NEW ORLEANS. 



and intense Americanism soon rendered the Kempers 
very popular and influential among the frontiersmen, 
as well those settled in the Spanish colony of Florida, 
as those residing in the Mississippi Territory. They 
were the leaders, in agitating the scheme of driving the 
Spaniards out of the country, and claiming Florida as 
belonging to the Americans under the cession of 1S03. 
Henry Clay, in his first speech in the United States 
Senate, maintained the American title to that country, 
and urged the Administration of Mr. Madison to occupy 
it. With the newly acquired territories of Louisiana 
and Mississippi, surrounding three sides of it, the iso- 
lated colony of Spain certainly presented a very tempt- 
ing bait to American ambition, and seemed to be held 
by his Catholic Majesty out of sheer obstinacy or pride. 
Several plots were concocted by the Kempers and 
others, to revolutionize this colony, and forays were 
made by them into the Spanish territory. In 1805 they 
marched with forty mounted men, armed with long 
rifles, to the vicinity of Baton Rouge; but their 
approach being announced, the Spanish Governor pre- 
pared to receive them in such force, as rendered the 
attempt too serious an affair ; they therefore returned to 
Mississippi, to " bide their time." 

At last the Spanish Governor determined to nip the 
conspiracy in the bud, by seizing the chiefs, and making 
terrible examples of them. Accordingly he induced a 
number of Americans, by promise of large grants of 
land, to proceed in a body into the Mississippi Terri- 
tory, for the purpose of kidnapping the Kempers and 
bringing them to Baton Rouge, to be dealt with 
according to Spanish law. The party were armed with 
guns and clubs, and consisted of a dozen white persons 



TWO NOTABLE WARRIORS AND REVOLUTIONISTS. 277 

and several negroes. They entered the house of Nathan 
Kemper, and dragging Reuben from his bed where he 
was sleeping, beat him with clubs until he was insensi- 
ble, and then tied him. They also dragged Nathan 
from the side of his wife, who received some blows from 
their clubs in the scuffle, and after beating him severely, 
secured him in the same manner in which Reuben had 
been treated. The brothers asked, "What was the 
meaning of this outrage; what have we clone?" A 
voice answered, " You have ruined the Spanish country." 
They were then gagged with sassafras roots, and ropes 
tied around their necks. In this condition they were 
compelled to run before the horses of the kidnappers, 
who held the ropes, all the way to the Spanish line. 
Samuel Kemper was soon seized and treated in a simi- 
lar manner, being beaten with clubs and dragged for a 
hundred yards by a rope around his neck. The three 
brothers, on their arrival at Tunica, on the Mississippi 
river, were delivered to Colonel Samuel Alston, on 
behalf of the Spanish Government, who placed them in 
a boat to be sent to Baton Rouge. They were tied on 
their backs to the bottom of the boat. Dr. Towles, long 
a respected citizen of Feliciana, Louisiana, hearing of 
the outrage, crossed the Mississippi, and hastened to the 
American fort at Pointe Coupee, on the Louisiana side, 
and informed Lieutenant "Wilson, the commander, of the 
circumstances. But as there were many boats descend- 
ing the river at this time, there would be some difficulty 
in discovering which contained the captives. This 
difficulty, however, was removed by Reuben, who, as 
the boat neared the fort, which he discovered from a 
glance at the opposite bank, cried out, in a stentorian 
voice, "It is Reuben Kemper the Spaniards are taking 



278 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

to the mines." The words could be distinctly heard by 
the garrison, and Wilson immediately ordered out a 
boat with an armed party, by whom the kidnappers 
were arrested, the Kempers released, and the Spanish 
agents delivered over to the authorities of the United 
States to be tried. For sometime, so great was the 
excitement against them, that they had to be guarded 
by a strong military force. 

The subject of this outrageous kidnapping was 
brought before Congress, and the celebrated John 
Kandolph, from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, 
reported a bill to raise a military force to guard the 
American territory and repel and punish Spanish 
aggressions. It was not, however, acted upon. 

This outrage upon the Kempers hastened the revolu- 
tion which, in 1810, resulted in the capture of Baton 
Eouge and the entire extinction of Spanish power on 
the Mississippi river. The Kempers enjoyed the satis- 
faction of making a triumphal entry into the town from 
which they so narrowly escaped being sent in chains to 
the mines of Cuba. 

But this did not satisfy their revenge, nor obliterate 
the recollection of the insults to which they had been 
subjected. With great perseverance and vigilance they 
hunted, one by one, the individuals who had been 
engaged in the kidnapping outrage, and inflicted upon 
them" the severest punishments. Certainly, if men were 
ever justified in manifesting the passion of revenge, the 
Kempers were, towards those cowardly ruffians. If 
their mode of obtaining such satisfaction appear cruel 
and brutal, some allowances must be made for the stern 
and rough habits and notions of frontier life. Reuben 
and Samuel Kemper captured Kneeland, one of the kid- 



TWO NOTABLE WARRIORS AND REVOLUTIONISTS. 279 

nappers, and inflicted upon his naked back one hundred 
lashes, then one hundred more for their brother Nathan 
who was absent, cut off his ears with a dull knife, and 
then let him loose. These gory trophies of their 
revenge were long preserved in a bottle of spirits and 
hung up in one of the Kemper's parlors. Reuben 
caught another of the kidnappers, named Horton, and 
chastised him as long as his strength would permit. 
Barker, another, was seized by the Kempers at the 
Court-house, at Fort Adams in Mississippi, under the 
eyes of the Judge, and nearly flayed alive. Col. Alston, 
who commanded the Spanish guard, placed over the 
Kempers, died of a disease contracted by lying in an 
open boat, to avoid the attacks of the injured brother. 

Such was the revenge of the Kempers. They were 
not yet content. Passing from individuals, they next 
directed their ire and vengeance against the Spanish 
Government which had authorized and directed the 
outrage against them. Reuben proclaimed at Baton 
Rouge, that the work was not finished ; that whilst he 
lived the Spaniards should not occupy an inch of the 
North American continent in peace. He accordingly 
got up an expedition against the Spanish Fort of Mobile 
in conjunction with Major Kennedy, Dr. Holmes, and 
other adventurous spirits. This enterprise failed by the 
treachery of one of the parties, and the interference 
of the United States authorities. Reuben narrowly 
escaped capture on that occasion. 

It was not long before another opportunity was 
afforded to Kemper of gratifying his insatiate hostility 
to the Spanish race. 

In 1812, there arrived in the United States an astute 
Spaniard, by the name of Jose Alvarez de Toledo, who, 



280 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

in cooperation with Barnardo Gutierrez, a Mexican, 
who had been connected with the revolution in that 
country in 1808, ned to the United States, and resided 
some years in New Orleans, devised a plan for reviving 
the revolution, and invading and detaching that portion 
of Mexico, which is now included in the State of Texas. 
Reuben Kemper was sought as the most efficient per- 
son to organize an American party to execute this plan. 
He eagerly accepted the commission, and aided by 
Colonel Magee, succeeded in assembling at Washington, 
in the State of Mississippi, a force of four hundred and 
fifty Americans. Col. Magee was the real commander, 
Gutierrez was the ostensible chief, and Toledo acted as 
political adviser and director. Kemper was second in 
command under Magee. This expedition entered Texas 
in October, 1812, and after capturing Nacogdoches 
pushed on to La Bahia del Espirito, now called Goliad, 
which has since become so mournfully famous as the 
scene of the brutal massacre and desperate courage of 
some of the noblest martyrs in the cause of Texan inde- 
pendence. Here the expedition was surrounded and 
besieged by a strong Spanish force under Salcedo and 
Herrera. This siege, which was continued for several 
months, was enlivened by many skirmishes between the 
hostile armies, in all of which the stalwart form of 
Kemper was conspicuous. Many a swarthy Spaniard 
fell before his unerring rifle, or sunk to the earth under 
the crushing blows of his sabre. His love of these 
rencontres was insatiable. He led in person twenty- 
seven sallies against the besiegers, and always with 
dreadful effect. In the last of these skirmishes, there 
were two hundred Spaniards killed. Finding all their 
efforts to reduce the garrison vain, the Spanish Generals 



TWO NOTABLE WARRIORS AND REVOLUTIONISTS. 281 

suddenly retreated, whereupon Kemper, who had suc- 
ceeded to the command of the expedition by the death 
of Magee, marched out, and following rapidly upon the 
retiring Spaniards, fell suddenly upon them, with such 
vigor and fury as nearly to annihilate the united armies 
of Salcedo and Herrera, strewing the field far and wide 
with the victims of the American rifle and hunting- 
knife. On this occasion Kemper slew several of the 
Spaniards with his own hand. Four hundred Spaniards 
were killed in this affair, and a great many prisoners 
taken. The Americans lost but five killed and fourteen 
wounded. 

The Spanish Generals now fled in terrDr with the 
remnant of their force to San Antonio, which they 
fortified. Gutierrez and Kemper followed them with 
their little band of warriors, and occupied a position 
near the town. So intense was the terror x>f the Spa- 
niards, who were greatly superior in numbers, of the 
invincible valor and ferocity of the enemy, led by the 
" giant warrior," that they surrendered on the first 
demand sent to them by Gutierrez. Accordingly, on 
the 31st March, 1812, the Spanish Generals walked 
out of the town, into the camp of Gutierrez, bearing a 
white flag, and offered to surrender on the single condi- 
tion that their lives were spared. Gutierrez, who was 
full of revenge towards the Spaniards, for their cruelty 
to Morelos and other Mexican patriots, made an evasive 
reply, conveying an intimation that their request would 
be granted. The Spaniards then surrendered at discre- 
tion. Having delivered up their swords, they were 
secured between files of soldiers, and marching in front 
of Gutierrez's army, crossed the river, and were safely 
lodged in the Alamo, which, in 1836, became the cradle 



282 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

of Texan liberty, and the scene of prodigies of American 
valor. Gutierrez then entered the town of San Antonio 
and established a Provincial Government there, which 
he called a Junta. The first act of the Junta was to 
try the Spanish prisoners. They were condemned to be 
banished from the country. But whilst they were in 
charge of a guard, a party of sixty Mexicans, in com- 
mand of Capt. Antonio Delgado, suddenly seized them, 
and dragging the unfortunate prisoners to the bank of 
the Saledo, carried them over in boats. Arriving on 
the east side of the river, near the spot where Kemper 
had achieved his brilliant victory, Delgado's party 
hastily dismounted from their horses, and with no other 
weapons but their blunt knives, which these monsters 
carried in their girdles for camp use, they cut the I 
throats of their prisoners, accompanying the cruel deed 
with every species of insult and indignity. " Some of 
these assassins, with brutal irony," says a writer who 
lived near the scene of the occurrence, "whetted their 
knives on the soles of their shoes in the presence of their 
bound victims." This same writer saw this band of 
murderers the following day, led by the chief, halt in 
front of the quarters of Gutierrez, and announce to the 
latter what they had done. At the same time, Delgado 
placed in Gutierrez's hand a list of the fourteen victims, 
which included two Governors, and Generals Salcedo I 
and Hererra, one Colonel, six Captains, and five other 
officers. Delgado's men, in the meantime, suspended 
from their saddles pieces of bloody garments and jewelry < 
— trophies of their cowardly brutality. That Gutierrez 
was privy to this outrageous deed, was proved, not only ! 
by the facts stated, but by a subsequent confession, in i 
which, after denying any direct agency in the murder ' 



TWO NOTABLE WARRIORS AND REVOLUTIONISTS. 283 

of the prisoners, he added, "God thus permitted their 
death as a signal punishment of the barbarities which 
these unfortunate victims had previously perpetrated." 
Thus the Mexican chief, who shared none of the laurels 
of the brilliant victories achieved over the Spaniards, 
satisfied himself by monopolizing all the infamy with 
which this expedition must ever be associated. We are 
thus minute in recording these facts because the inci- 
dent is an interesting one, which is barely glanced at in 
the histories of the country ; and because it furnishes an 
illustration of the character of Eeuben Kemper. Though 
fierce and unsparing in battle, Kemper abhorred all 
cruelty and cowardly brutality. The murder of the 
Spaniards, in cold blood, produced in the mind of that 
gallant chief the most profound disgust for the race, 
and after denouncing the conduct of Gutierrez, he 
resigned, and with several other Americans returned to 
the United States. 

When IsTew Orleans was threatened, and the call sent 
forth for soldiers to defend the city, Kemper joined the 
Feliciana Dragoons, and was among the first volunteers 
who arrived in the city. His experience and cool 
courage recommended him to General Jackson, as the 
leader in many important and dangerous scouting enter- 
prises and reconnoissances, which he invariably exe- 
cuted with consummate address and courage. On 
several occasions he penetrated the British lines with a 
select party of bush-fighters, and reported to Jackson the 
condition and movements of the enemy. The General 
was constantly apprehensive that the British would steal 
up the Bayou Bienvenu, through its northern branch, 
and gaining his rear, enter the city by the Gentilly 
Eidge. There were continual rumors and alarms of 



284: JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

such a design. To ascertain the truth, Kemper was 
sent with twenty men to reconnoitre their position at 
the junction of Bayous Mazant and Bienvenu, the most 
important point along the line of the British communi- 
cations. It was here the British had stepped ashore 
from their boats. The enterprise was one of the great- 
est peril, as it compelled Kemper to separate his party 
a great distance from the American outposts, and 
carried him into the very centre of the British lines. 
It was, however, performed with no less success than 
daring, under perils and fatigues which would have 
appalled any other man. The results were of immense 
advantage to Jackson, in quieting all apprehensions of 
the approach of the enemy in that direction, w T ho, in 
truth, were equally fearful of being cut off from the 
fleet and depot, by a sudden assault of their indefatig- 
able antagonists. To guard against this, they burned 
the prairies in front of a redoubt which they had thrown 
up at the head of the Bayou, where their principal 
magazine was established and a strong guard posted. 
Sentinels stationed in the tops of the trees, were scat- 
tered along the Bayou, to observe the approach of any 
parties across the prairie. Many similar enterprises were 
performed by this gallant man. ~No individual in Jack- 
son's whole army, performed more efficient service. 

Kemper survived these events many years, pursuing 
a life of peaceful industry in one of the parishes of 
Louisiana. After the defeat of the Spaniards, and the 
extinction of their power on this continent, and the 
repulse of the British, his military ambition subsided 
into a quiet love of rural life, and a faithful devotion to 
all the duties of a good citizen. He died at Natchez 
about the year 1826, and was buried with military, 



TWO NOTABLE WARRIORS .AND REVOLUTIONISTS. 285 

honors by that gallant corps, the Natchez Fencibles, 
then commanded by John A. Quitman, one of the most 
distinguished of the Generals of the Mexican war of 
1848, and who shares many of those chivalric ideas, 
which led Reuben Kemper to abandon peaceful pur- 
suits and incur the most serious perils and sacrifices in 
the execution of the cherished sentiment, that this con- 
tinent was the rightful heritage of the great race which 
alone has succeeded in establishing here durable and 
enlightened institutions, and improving the civilization 
of the Old in the New "World. We are not sure that 
the last-mentioned chieftain is altogether free from the 
bitter prejudice which marked the life of Kemper 
against the Power that now concentrates upon Cuba the 
despotism that once lorded over half of the American 
continent. 

Kemper died, respected by all who knew him. 
Indeed, he was a man to be respected anywhere. Of 
gigantic frame, noble, open countenance, frank and 
gallant bearing, kind and courteous, but firm, and, 
when aroused by a sense of injury, fierce and vindictive, 
ardently patriotic and uncompromising in his Ameri- 
canism, a practical devotee to the doctrine of the duty 
of all freemen to aid in expanding the area of liberty, 
and a firm believer in " the manifest destiny " of the 
American race, to possess and rule this continent, 
Reuben Kemper will long be remembered as the type 
and model of that class of men, who have rescued the 
vast and teeming valley of the Mississippi from the 
roaming savages, and from the weak hands of a declin- 
ing and foreign dynasty, and made it the scene of a 
great confederacy and empire which is destined to out- 
shine old Rome in wealth, greatness, and power. 



286 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

There was another prominent volunteer chief and 
leader in many perilous enterprises, who, having no 
regular command, rendered himself conspicuous for his 
conduct and gallantry, in detached scouting and recon- 
noitering service, as well as highly useful to Jackson, 
in many of the more important arrangements, that 
required a knowledge of military service and art. This 
was Gen. Humbert, the victor of Castlebar, and leader 
of that desperate and chivalric expedition from France 
to Ireland in 1798. The life of Humbert possessed one 
prominent point of similarity with that of Kemper, in 
the fact that both had been engaged in the most daring 
efforts to revolutionize foreign States, which had signal- 
ized their era. They were alike, too, in the qualities of 
unflinching courage, dauntless resolution and fearless 
love of adventure. But here the similitude ends. 
Their military ideas were quite antagonistic, their 
habits and tastes dissimilar. Humbert was a stern 
soldier, familiar with the routine, as practised in the best 
disciplined armies, a firm believer in the potency of 
science, as applied to the conduct of war, an exacting 
martinet in all the rules and punctilios of the profession. 
Kemper was a natural warrior, trained in the rough 
scenes of border life, accustomed to rely on individual 
courage and skill. Humbert confided in the touch of 
the elbow of disciplined troops. Kemper in the rifle 
and hunting-knife of the backwoodsman, fighting on his 
own hook. Their appearance indicated their dissimilar 
tastes and ideas. Kemper was tall and rawboned, of 
long limbs, slouching carriage, swinging his arms about 
with that air of independence and indifference, peculiar 
to the backwoodsman. His apparel was coarse, badly 
fitting and badly worn. There was in his whole bear- 



TWO NOTABLE WARRIOBS AND REVOLUTIONISTS. 287 

ing, an almost studied contempt for efTect and military 
display and fashion. Humbert was a stout, squarely 
and compactly built man, of the most rectangular up- 
rightness of carriage and rigid exactitude of movement. 
His air was thoroughly military, and his dress neat and 
well fitting. To the day of his last sickness, he never 
abandoned the old uniform of the General of the French 
Kepublic. It is within the recollection of many, now 
in the bloom of life, what a great sensation the veteran 
General was wont to excite among the residents of the 
old Square of the city, as every day at noon, clad in the 
same old, well preserved, military frock, with the cha- 
peau of the French Ke volution on his head, and the 
sword of a General under his arm, he would march with 
all the port and precision of an officer on duty, to an 
ancient cafe kept by an old comrade in arms, on the 
levee, near the French Market. On arriving at the cafe, 
he would salute his old comrade with a grand air mill- 
taire, and then laying his sword on the table, would 
proceed leisurely to arrange the dominoes for a game at 
that very quiet, favorite diversion of elderly Frenchmen, 
with any lounger who might happen to be present. A 
glass of cogniac, frequently replenished by his faithful 
friend and host, would serve to give spirit to the game. 
Thus would the veteran spend the greater part of the 
day, now and then relieving its tedium by vivacious 
conversation and exciting reminiscences exchanged with 
his admiring comrade, until his prolonged potations, 
producing their usual effect, would arouse him to more 
active but less dignified demonstrations of his natural 
ardor and military enthusiasm. Then he would appear 
in the character which attracted the admiration and 
curiosity of the little Creole boys, who, fired with mili- 



288 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

tary pride and ambition, would regard with intense inte- 
rest " le grand General de la Republique Francaise" as, 
nourishing his sword, he walked down the streets, shout- 
ing at the top of a powerful voice, snatches of the Mar- 
seillaise and of the Chant da Depart, and other revolu- 
tionary airs. 

Alas! the poor old Gaul had outlived his generation. 
He had descended from times of military emprise and 
ambition to an era of trade and money-scrambling. 
Mammon had long since displaced Mars in the world 
around him. If, thus isolated from the bustling crowd, 
he was driven to the use of that oblivious antidote, by 
which the gloomy present could be momentarily ban- 
ished, and the glorious past, with all its exciting scenes 
and noble associations, brought vividly to mind, due 
allowance must be made for the weakness which circum- 
stances forced upon a gallant and sturdy old soldier 
who in his day had played a conspicuous part in events 
of great moment. Yes, that old soldier, who died twenty 
years ago in poverty and destitution, who was indebted 
to an old quadroon woman for his only attendance in 
sickness, and was buried at the public expense, had 
once been a proud General of the French Republic in 
its palmy days. To him was entrusted the command of 
the expedition to emancipate Ireland from English rule, 
in 1798. A more desperate enterprise was never con- 
ceived. Its character, events and results have found a 
parallel in the expedition of N arcisco Lopez to Cuba, in 
1851. For a long time this design had occupied the 
most anxious deliberations of the French Republic. 
The presence in Paris of several prominent Irish patriots 
served to keep alive this feeling and encourage the plan 
of striking " perfide Albion" in this her weakest point. 



TWO NOTABLE WARRIORS AND REVOLUTIONISTS. 289 

The French never doubted the assurance that the Irish 
were united and harmonious in their devotion to repub- 
lican liberty ; that they were as hostile to the British 
dynasty as the French were to the Bourbon rule. Vari- 
ous plans of invasion were proposed, and great prepara- 
tions were made to carry them out. Failure upon fail- 
ure, disaster after disaster followed, and frustrated all 
the efforts of the Irish patriots to organize an efficient 
expedition to proceed from France. One great difficulty 
was to obtain a leader in the French army of sufficient 
experience and prestige to take charge of such an expe- 
dition. They were all willing to go with a large army, 
but none would venture with a mere experimental force. 
It was in vain the Irish patriots Tone and Sullivan 
represented that the Irish people were united in the 
cause ; that they only needed a small disciplined force 
and arms to give direction to their unconquerable ardor ; 
that a large army might either create that jealousy which 
all people are prone to feel towards foreigners, even when 
acting as allies, or might induce an entire dependence 
upon a force which they regarded as sufficient to accom- 
plish the object without their aid; that a people, to 
appreciate their independence, must achieve it them- 
selves. These are precisely the arguments which encour- 
aged and emboldened the companions of JSTarcisco Lopez 
in his expedition to Cuba, in 1851. 

France was then (in 1798) crippled in power and 
means, with the Old World arrayed in arms against her, 
and constantly threatened with internal revolution, 
changes and discord. About this time, too, the Direc- 
tory, composed as it then was of a more philosophic and 
conservative class of republicans than had wielded the 
destinies of the nation for some years before, began to 

13 



290 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

adopt a more pacific and prudent policy. Still it could 
not hazard its popularity by discouraging, even if it did 
not afford material aid, to the enterprise of liberating 
" oppressed Ireland." Officers and soldiers of the army 
were, therefore, allowed to volunteer for the expedition, 
and arms and munitions were furnished to them. At 
this moment, Humbert stepped forward to volunteer to 
lead this forlorn hope. He had served with distinction 
on the Rhine, under Pichegru, Moreau, and Dumourier, 
and was an officer of acknowledged courage and energy. 
Repairing to Rochelle, he immediately set to work, in 
conjunction with the Irish patriots, Tone, Teeling, and 
Sullivan, to organize an army out of a heterogeneous mass 
of adventurers, who had assembled there, composed of 
straggling French soldiers, Irish volunteers, British 
deserters, and a few earnest enthusiasts in the cause of 
universal freedom and republicanism. To obtain money 
and supplies for the expedition, Humbert was driven to 
the expedient of a military requisition on the merchants 
of Rochelle, who were glad enough to pay an illegal tax 
to be rid of so discordant and adventurous a force. 
After a thousand annoyances, difficulties, and troubles, 
being compelled to shoot several of his men to enforce 
discipline, Humbert succeeded in sailing out of the port 
of Rochelle with his motley band of liberators. The 
Irish triumvirate, as they were called — Tone, Teeling, 
and Sullivan — accompanied him. They were in the 
highest spirits, and almost certain of victory and suc- 
cess. They were assured that the people of Ireland 
were ripe for a revolution, which was to rid the green 
isle of the Saxon. So confident were they of this result, 
that the future government of the island, the whole 
organization of its civil administration, had been discus- 



TWO NOTABLE WARKIOUS AND REVOLUTIONISTS. 291 

sed and carefully digested and prepared. They looked 
even beyond this. When they had gained their inde- 
pendence, and extorted security for the future, they 
would next demand indemnity for the past. They w T ould 
require the West India islands as compensation for 
the woe and poverty which English misrule had brought 
on the island. Humbert was impulsive, enthusias- 
tic, and credulous. He could not doubt such earnest 
assurances of his Irish confederates. He hated England 
with intense earnestness. Treachery, falsehood, pride, 
avarice, grasping covetousness, and reckless brutality, 
were the characteristics he assigned to the English. 
Despite these feelings, however, doubts would frequently 
cloud the bright prospects of the expedition, so glowingly 
painted by the voluble and enthusiastic Irish. His im- 
pressions of the character of his allies were not elevated 
by an observation of the conduct of those engaged in 
the expedition. Still, he was embarked in the enter- 
prise, and determined to prosecute it with courage and 
energy. 

Humbert effected a landing at Killala, on the southern 
coast of Ireland, in August, 1798. His force consisted 
of less than a thousand men, including a battalion of 
good French soldiers well officered. At Killala, he 
arrested the Protestant Bishop, and detained him as a 
prisoner, treating him with a respect and courtesy which 
did not please the excited and wild mob of peasants that 
soon began to pour into the town, greatly perplexing 
and embarrassing his arrangements, rather than adding 
to his strength and resources. Ignorant of their lan- 
guage, their peculiarities and customs, Humbert was 
almost driven mad by the turbulent and unruly charac- 
ter of his confederates — the oppressed race which he had 



292 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

come to liberate. They set at defiance all military sub- 
ordination and discipline, and even ridiculed the stiff 
carriage and neat appearance of the French regulars. 
When the officers assumed any control over them, they 
rolled their eyes, pouted their lips, and cracked many a 
joke at the impudence of the " interloping foreigners." 
At last, however, having by dint of superhuman 
efforts, reduced his command to something like order, 
Humbert commenced his march into the country. His 
battalion of regulars advanced in military order, but it 
was flanked, followed and surrounded by the disorderly 
host of wild-looking, ragged peasants, with their long 
uncombed hair hanging down their necks and shoul- 
cfers, barefooted, with signs of starvation, of poverty, 
misery, and oppression, in their countenance, carriage, 
and habiliments. And yet, they were full of enthusiasm 
and patriotism, and marched gaily along, swearing, hur- 
raing, singing in the exuberance of their joy and hope 
of the rescue of " Sweet Ireland" from the vile Saxon. 
Nor was patriotism their only inspiration on this occa- 
sion. "Whisky, the inseparable concomitant of all such 
enterprises, was an important element and agent of the 
revolution. Its importance in this respect is appreciated 
even in this enlightened age. The patriots of Killala 
celebrated their imaginary independence, as too many 
Americans do that real independence which was declared 
on the 4th July, 1776, by getting drunk and falling by 
the road-side, so that Humbert's advance was marked by 
the bodies of the victims of alcohol, rather than by 
those of the perfidious Saxons whom he had come to 
annihilate. Ammunition carts were loaded with whis- 
ky barrels, and at every halt there was a general biba- 
tion. Mingled with the men, who thus encumbered 



TWO NOTABLE WARRIORS AND REVOLUTIONISTS. 293 

Humbert's march, were many women and children. 
The small, regular, compact body of disciplined soldiers, 
looked even smaller from being enveloped by such a 
rabble. They were perplexed and astounded at the con- 
duct of their allies — of patriots, who would bear no 
restraint, submit to no discipline, who all wanted to be 
officers, chiefs, and leaders, who sneered at the generous 
devotion of their allies, and frowned on any assumption 
of authority by them. Humbert saw at a glance the 
folly and hopelessness of the enterprise. 

" "We shall all be taken, and probably shot," he 
remarked to his aid ; " but then France will be commit- 
ted to the enterprise, and will be bound to avenge us. So 
Vive la Bepublique ! Vive la IZepublique / En avant! 
En avant /" 

And thus the enthusiastic and heroic Frenchman 
advanced rapidly towards Castlebar. Here he encoun- 
tered a considerable force of royalists, strongly posted 
with artillery. The French battalion steadily advanced 
on the royalists, but a few discharges of the English guns 
scattered in every direction Humbert's auxiliaries. 
Charging gallantly with his Frenchmen, Humbert suc- 
ceeded in putting the royalists to flight with considera- 
ble loss, and achieved a brilliant and decided victory. 
He then made a triumphal entry into the town of Cas- 
tlebar. Here he was joined in greatly augmented num- 
bers by the peasantry of the country, who with scythes, 
pikes, and every rude weapon imaginable, crowded into 
the town and made it hideous with their wild revelry. 
They imagined that the last blow had been struck, and 
that Ireland was now free. Humbert was compelled 
to tarry here for the reinforcements daily and hourly 
expected from France. These reinforcements were 



294: JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

rapidly proceeding to Killala, but unfortunately the fleet 
under Bompard, which was conveying them, was 
attacked in the Bay of Killala by the squadron of Sir 
John Warren, and entirely destroyed. Thus was Hum- 
bert's last hope annihilated. 

Meantime, Lord Cornwallis, with a powerful army, 
was gradually surrounding Humbert, as he himself had 
been surrounded by the French and Americans at York- 
town, Virginia, some fifteen years before. As the 
rumors of the approach of the British began to thicken' 
upon him, Humbert observed his allies rapidly falling 
off, and slinking oiu of the town, until at last he was left 
in the village of Boyle with his French veterans, and a 
few of the Irish leaders who were too far committed to 
retreat. Humbert called a council of his officers, and 
proposed to fight it out, offering themselves a sacrifice 
on the altar of Irish independence. His officers, who 
had been disgusted with the enterprise from their land- 
ing and first acquaintance with their allies, were not so 
enthusiastic and devoted. Under their advice he deter- 
mined to surrender. Accordingly, Lord Cornwallis had 
the satisfaction of receiving the sword of the French 
general, an event well calculated to remind that distin- 
guished Briton of a memorable scene in his own military 
history. Humbert was released on parole, and finding 
no prospect for promotion in France, came with many 
other soldiers of the old French Republican school, 
whose republicanism was of too earnest and uncompro- 
mising a character for Eapoleon's views, to Xew Orleans. 

When Jackson arrived, in 1S11, to assume the defence 
of the city, Humbert was one of the first to tender his 
services as a volunteer. He proved eminently servicea- 
ble during the campaign. Having no regular command, 



TWO NOTABLE WARRIORS AND REVOLUTIONISTS. 295 

he was always ready for any detached service, how 
perilous and difficult soever it might be. Mounted on a 
large black charger, it was his custom every day to 
emerge from the American lines, and trotting down the 
road to a point within musket-shot of the British outposts, 
to take a deliberate observation of their camp through 
a field glass ; after completing which, he would wheel 
his horse and leisurely return to the American encamp- 
ment, disregarding the balls, which frequently rained 
around him from the British batteries, and report to 
Jackson the exact condition of the enemy's camp. For 
these and other services, Humbert was highly compli- 
mented in Jackson's dispatches. The old Frenchman, 
in return, declared that Jackson was worthy to have 
commanded in the army of the Rhine — which distinction 
was alone necessary to complete his military greatness 
and renown. But though thus eulogistic of Jackson, the 
veteran did not include in his good opinion the mass of 
the soldiers whom Jackson had the " misfortune to com- 
mand." He could never be persuaded that the rude, 
dusky, awkward, slouching, bush-fighters from Tennes- 
see, with their careless, unmilitary carriage, their reck- 
less, undisciplined, barbarian style of fighting, could be 
converted into soldiers. What particularly annoyed 
him, was the habit these " sauvages" had of thinking for 
themselves — discussing the merits of their officers and 
the expediency of orders from their commanders, and 
assuming to reason and judge when their only duty was 
to act and obey. A disagreeable illustration of this 
habit was brought home to the general on a certain 
occasion, when, being ordered out for a reconnoissance 
with a detachment of Coffee's men, he brought them 
under the severe fire of a British redoubt— whereupon 



296 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

these independent, self- thinking soldiers, not relishing or 
appreciating the necessity of losing their lives in so 
unprofitable an undertaking, quietly wheeled their 
horses and returned to the lines, leaving the veteran 
cursing and swearing in the field, amid a shower of 
British shot. "When Humbert reported this " infamous 
conduct" to General Jackson, -the General could not 
refrain from a smile — but seeing one of the men of the 
detachment near his quarters, he called him, and frown- 
ingly asked, " Why did you run away?" " Wall, gene- 
ral," replied the bush-fighter, " not understanding 
French, and believing our commander was a man of 
sense, we construed his orders to retire out of the reach 
of the cannon balls, and so we just kinder counter- 
marched." The General had much difficulty in inter- 
preting this excuse to Humbert, who shook his head, 
and continued to the day of his death profoundly skep- 
tical of the soldierly qualities of the Tennesseans. 



PREPARATION FOE THE FINAL CONFLICT. 297 



XV. 



PREPARATION FOR THE FINAL CONFLICT. 

Completely and disastrously foiled in his attempt on 
the 1st of January, to create a breach in the American 
lines with his powerful batteries, Packenham, with mor- 
tification visible in every feature and action, withdrew 
his army to its old position in the rear, leaving his care- 
fully and scientifically made redoubts, his dismantled 
guns and broken carriages a confused mass of ruins. 
Gibbs' brigade encamped at Bienvenu's, and Keane's 
at Lacoste's. The General-in-Chief resumed his old 
headquarters at Yillere's, which he had abandoned in 
the morning, with a confident expectation of shifting 
them before night, permanently, to the Government 
buildings in New Orleans. 

The army murmured audibly. Such incessant labors 
and repeated failures were enough to try the patience 
of the most hardy veterans. These trials were the more 
severe to victors, like the Peninsular heroes, who had 
scarcely ever before experienced a reverse — whose pre- 
vious campaigns presented an unbroken series of victo- 
ries and successes. Sickness and hunger added to their 
distress and disgust. The dysentery prevailed to a 
frightful extent, and the men were reduced to half rations 
of the most repulsive and unsavory food. That neces- 
sary nourishment of the soldiers, coffee, had entirely dis- 

13* 



293 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

appeared, and a vain effort was made to substitute for it 
a decoction of burnt biscuit. Sugar, of which an abun- 
dance lay about them, in the broken hogsheads of the 
planters, whose estates they occupied, became an impor- 
tant article in their commissariat. By mixing it with 
broken biscuit, the soldiers succeeded in making cakes, 
which were more palatable than any of the food furnished 
to them by the army purveyors. 

Another council of the chiefs was held, which was a 
brief one, as it had but one proposition to consider and 
adopt. It was Sir Edward's own plan. It was worthy 
of his bold character, and has never been justly cen- 
sured or criticised. The plan was to storm the Ameri- 
can lines, on both sides the river, commencing with 
those on the right bank, which, being carried, would 
enable the British to enfilade Jackson's lines, and drive 
him from his position, or cut off his communications 
with the city. Such a plan gave Packenham the great 
advantage, that, having the larger force, he could afford 
to divide his army, whereas Jackson's men were hardly 
sufficient to defend his own lines. If he had known 
Jackson's real condition, Packenham could not have 
adopted a plan better calculated to embarrass and defeat 
his enemy. With a sufficient force, say fifteen hundred 
or two thousand men', and several batteries to defend the 
lines on the right bank, Jackson would have felt quite 
safe in that quarter, but as it was, he had not half that 
force. Indeed, he was perilously weak on that side. 

Packenham determined to pass a detachment of fifteen 
hundred muskets, with some artillery, to the right bank, 
and pushing forward under cover of the night, to reach 
the American lines before day, to storm them as soon as 
it was light, and after they were carried, and the batte- 



PREPARATION FOR THE FINAL CONFLICT. 299 

ries turned upon Jackson's position, the lines on the left 
bank were to be stormed by the main army. The duty 
of conveying the troops across the river was assigned to 
Yice- Admiral Cochrane, who adopted a novel, bungling, 
and exceedingly laborious mode of bringing the barges 
from the bayou, the head of which, or its junction with 
Yillere's canal, lay two miles from the river bank. lie 
set the sailors and soldiers to work to excavate the old 
plantation canal and prolong it to the river. It was an 
herculean labor for an army already exhausted with 
fatigue and sickness. Vainly the officers and men sug- 
gested that it would be far easier to drag the barges on 
rollers, as they had previously dragged cannon that were 
heavier than the boats. The obstinate old Scotchman 
persisted in his plan, which was finally, by the inces- 
sant labor of the whole army, completed on the 7th of 
January. Packenham was reconciled to this delay by 
the hope of receiving some important reinforcements, 
which had embarked from England on the 26th October. 
These at last arrived on the 6th January, and consisted 
of two fine regiments, the 7th (Fusileers) Packenham's 
u own," Lieut. Col. Blakeney, and the 43d Light Infan- 
try, Lieut. Col. Patrickson, the whole under Major-Gene- 
rat John Lambert, Colonel of one of the Household Kegi- 
ments (the Foot Guards.) 

There were no two regiments in the British army 
which stood higher — had been engaged in more battles, 
and had won more laurels than the 7th and 43d. " The 
Hero of Salamanca" felt his heart throb with pride and 
soldierly enthusiasm, as he cast his eyes along the ranks 
of his old regiment, and recognized the familiar faces of 
such a number of his old comrades in so many bloody 
and perilous scenes. General Lambert, though a young 



300 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

officer, like the other chiefs of the expedition, had fleshed 
his sword under "Wellington. He enjoyed the confi- 
dence of that distinguished commander as an officer of 
approved courage and discretion. His services had been 
conspicuous towards the close of the Peninsular war, 
when he led a brigade in the advance into France, and 
particularly in the battle of Toulouse. General Lam- 
bert was an Englishman by birth, and had been sent out 
to America, like other young Generals, to win distinction 
and fortune. 

Packenham's army consisted now of ten thousand of 
the best soldiers in the world, which he divided into 
three brigades, under Generals Lambert, Gibbs, and 
Keane. Besides these, there was a strong force of ma- 
rines and sailors, which not only relieved the army pro- 
per of a great deal of labor and camp duty, and other 
service, but was also ever ready to take a part in the 
fighting. 

For several days before the 8th, the troops were kept 
continually in motion — either at work on the canal, or 
in reviews and parades. Their spirits revived as the 
evidences thickened around them of the approach of 
some decisive movement, and as they observed the con- 
fidence and activity of their officers. They anticipated 
the preparations justly, and looked forward with viva- 
city to the storming of the contemptible lines of the 
enemy, paltry indeed, compared with those more formi- 
dable works in Spain, which they had stormed when 
defended by French veterans, instead of the " broad- 
brimmed shepherds" who now held them at bay. 

The plan of execution of Packenham's new and deci- 
sive movement was as follows : Colonel Thornton, with 
the 85th, one of the West India regiments, and the ma- 



PREPARATION FOR THE FINAL CONFLICT. 301 

rines and sailors, making a detachment of 1,400 muskets, 
with a corps of rocketers and three carronades in barges, 
to protect his flank, was directed to pass across the river 
on the night of the 7th, and steal upon the Americans 
before day. 

On the left bank Gibbs, with the 44th, 21st, and 4th, 
at a signal to be given, would storm the American left, 
where it was deemed weakest : whilst Keane, with the 
93d, 95th, and the light companies of the 7th, 43d, and 
some of the "West India troops, would threaten the Ame- 
rican right — drawing his tire, and taking advantage of 
any opportunity that might occur for a blow at him. 
On the left, the two British batteries destroyed on the 
1st were to be restored and armed with six or eight 
eighteen-pounders, were to engage and keep employed 
the American batteries on their right, and thereby pre- 
vent them from opening on the storming column. The 
advance of the latter were to carry fascines or bundles of 
cane with which to fill up the ditch, and ladders, on 
which to mount the parapet. The order entered on the 
regimental books, and dated the 7th January, 1815, is 
given by one of the survivors of these events as follows : 
" The troops will be under arms two hours before day- 
light to-morrow morning, when the army will form in 
two columns in the following order : The right column, 
consisting of the 4th, 21st, 44th, will take post near the 
wood, the 44th leading and bearing the gabions and 
fascines; the left column, composed of one company 
from the 43d regiment, one from the 7th — the 93d, and 
the fifth West India regiments, shall station itself on the 
left, and on the road, and with the 95th extended, shall 
keep up communications between the heads of the two 
columns ; a general assault will then be made on the 



-302 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS* 

enemy's lines, and the commander of the forces places 
the fullest reliance on the gallantry of the troops and the 
skill of their officers ; that arrangements were made to 
assure success ; and that he confidently expected that to- 
morrow would add an additional laurel to the many 
which already adorned the brows of his brave followers." 

Such was Packenham's plan of attack, and the gene- 
ral order directing the mode of executing it. 

And how did Jackson prepare to meet and repel these 
formidable arrangements, the nature and object of which 
were soon known to him ? First, he dispatched messen- 
gers to hasten the advance of the reinforcements of his 
frightfully meagre force. Gen. Philemon Thomas arri- 
ved in the city on the 1st January, with 500 militia 
from Baton Pouge. On the 4th January the long-ex- 
pected drafted militia of Kentucky relieved Jackson by 
their presence, but in such plight as to make it quite 
questionable whether they were any addition to his 
effective strength. These gallant men had hurried from 
their homes, travelling fifteen hundred miles, without 
supplies and clothing, under the infatuation that they 
would find an abundance of arms and clothes provided 
by the government, at New Orleans. They little knew 
that long before their arrival, Jackson had exhausted all 
the Government's, the State's, and the City's supplies 
of arms and munitions to furnish his little army. Under 
this delusive hope, General John Thomas brought his 
two thousand two hundred and fifty Iventuckians to the 
city. About one-third of these were armed with fowl- 
ing pieces and old muskets. Nearly all of them were 
in want of clothing, having left home with but one shirt 
apiece. The poor fellows had to hold their tattered gar- 
ments together, to hide their nakedness, as they marched 



PREPARATION FOR THE FINAL CONFLICT. 303 

through the streets. If this fact reflects seriously upon 
the Federal Government of that day, it speaks volumes 
for the ardent patriotism of the gallant Kentuckians, 
who are ever foremost in encountering any danger and 
sacrifice in the defence of the honor and integrity of 
their country. Such a spectacle produced a lively sensa- 
tion among the grateful and patriotic citizens of New 
Orleans. Immediate steps were taken to relieve the 
wants and distress of the gallant men of the West, who 
had left comfortable homes to fight for so distant a sec- 
tion of the Union. The Legislature appropriated $6,000, 
and the people, including the volunteers and militia of 
New Orleans, the inhabitants of Attakapas, and of the 
river parishes, augmented this sum to $16,000, which 
was laid out in the purchase of blankets and woolens, 
and these being distributed among the ladies of the city, 
were made into comfortable clothes within a few days 
after the money was raised. Thus were provided for 
the suffering militia one thousand two hundred blanket- 
coats ; two hundred and sixty-five waistcoats ; one thou- 
sand one hundred and twenty-seven pair of pants ; eight 
hundred sheets ; four hundred and ten pair of shoes, and 
a great number of other articles of clothing. Here was 
a striking example of the public spirit of the citizens, of 
the ardent patriotism of the ladies of New Orleans, and 
likewise of the economy which was observed in those 
days in the expenditure of money. The sum which was 
thus made to contribute so largely to the health and 
comfort of a whole brigade, would barely serve, in these 
days of contractors and of governmental extravagance, to 
supply a single company with the necessaries of a cam- 
paign. All honor to the ladies of New Orleans for this 
noble display of gratitude and generosity ; all honor to 



304: JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

the veterans De Buys, Soulie, and Loncaillier, for their 
energetic efforts in behalf of the destitute soldiers. 

Jackson had received an actual reinforcement of not 
over 2500 men since the 23d. With these he had to 
guard the approaches to the city by the northern 
branches of the Bienvenu, where he maintained outposts, 
and to defend the lines in front of the enemy, on both 
sides of the river. Such a force, compared with that of 
the British, of which he had a clear and distinct view 
from the window of Macarte's, would have dispirited 
and unnerved any other man. To Jackson it gave new 
vigor, heroism and intensity of purpose. His eyes grew 
more bright and his lips set firmer together, as every 
day and hour added to his perils, without increasing his 
means of resistance. His wasted frame seemed to take 
new life, galvanized by the heroic soul which tenanted 
it. He was everywhere. His aids found it difficult to 
keep up with him. His noble bay charger, foamed and 
smoked with the continual exercise of galloping from 
post to post. Nov was he oppressed only with the cares 
of his army — of maintaining his post. There were the 
annoyances of timid counsels, of the fears, the doubts, 
the intrigues of civilians and politicians, who had no 
confidence in his ability to defend the city, and who 
dwelt upon the horrors of a sack as a consequence of a 
vigorous resistance. 

"Was not this, in a good part, the same British army 
which had perpetrated the atrocities of San Salvador 
and of Washington city ?" was gloomily whispered by 
some timid citizens. These were certainly serious and 
appalling apprehensions to fathers, husbands, and civi- 
lians generally. But to the immortal renown of New 
Orleans be it said, that few, very few, indeed, there 



PREPARATION FOR THU FINAL CONFLICT. 305 

were who gave way to these fears. Jackson had com- 
municated his spirit to the great mass of the population. 
And though historians, politicians, and others have 
thought it due to the reputation and glory of Jackson, 
to exaggerate the discontent and apprehensions of a few 
timid persons in New Orleans into a deep-laid scheme 
of treason ; and though we are aware that partisans and 
intriguants succeeded in instilling into the mind of the 
General himself this suspicion, yet it is due to truth, to 
history, and the reputation of this gallant city, to say 
that, with abundant means and facilities for procuring 
the evidence of such inglorious purposes and feelings, 
their existence has never yet been established. 

It is no longer necessary, if it ever was, to the fame 
of Jackson, that the libel should be perpetuated. That 
the reported resolution of Jackson, in case his lines were 
forced, to fall back on the city, to fire it, and fight the 
enemy in the blazing streets and in the tumult of a con- 
flagration, should excite great alarm, was quite natural. 
But we feel confident in the assertion, that in no commu- 
nity in the world would such a desperate step have been 
more generally acquiesced in and excited less terror and 
distress than in JSTew Orleans. As the best evidence of 
the justice of this opinion, we need only state the fact 
that the people remained in the city after this report 
became rife, and after it was known that the General 
had replied to certain inquiries as to his purpose, in case 
his lines were carried, that "if the hair of his head knew 
what his determination was, he would cut it off," with 
an intimation provoked by rumors of the disloyalty of 
the Legislature, that if his lines were carried their ses- 
sion would be a warm one ! 

We have little doubt that Jackson's determination 



306 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

was as reported, and still less that lie would have exe- 
cuted it. 

On the 6 th January, sailing-master Johnson — the same 
who was so vigorously defended Pass Christian against 
Lockyer's barges — slipping out of the Chef-Men teur with 
three boats, succeeded in capturing u British brig 
loaded with rum and biscuit, on her way to the Bayou 
Bienvenn. Ten prisoners were taken on the brig, who 
were conducted to Jackson's head-quarters. From them 
Jackson received confirmation of his suspicion that the 
enemy were digging a canal to aid in transporting troops 
to the other side of the river. He determined, therefore, 
to strengthen that part of the defences. 

After the 23d December General David Morgan, 
Commanding the quota of Louisiana militia who occu- 
pied the English Turn when the British arrived at 
Villere's, was ordered to pass across the river and take 
position opposite Jackson's lines. But Morgan preferred 
a position somewhat in advance of Jackson's, and 
accordingly established himself on Raquet's Canal, 
about three hundred yards in front of Patterson's Marine 
Battery. His command consisted of 260 effective 
militia men. Here he was soon joined by the 2d Regi- 
ment of Louisiana Militia, Col. Z. Cavellier, 160 men ; 
and on the 6th January by Colonel Dejean's regiment, 
which completed his line to the river. With this weak 
force Morgan commenced to throw up an entrenchment 
for two hundred yards ; the remainder of the line, two 
thousand yards, was left with no other defence but the 
ditch. Colonel Latour, whose able history is the text 
book of this campaign, had directed General Morgan's 
attention to a much more practicable line some distance 
in his rear, where the space to be defended between the 



PREPARATION FOR THE FINAL CONFLICT. 307 

river and the swamp, was only nine hundred yards. 
This line could have been defended with one thousand 
muskets, or with rive hundred muskets and one or two 
batteries. 

On the left, Jackson's lines had been daily strength- 
ened, the men working incessantly on them, widening 
and deepening the ditch, and increasing the height and 
bulk of the parapet. On the 6th, some of the more sci- 
entific officers suggested to Jackson to strengthen the 
right by throwing up a redoubt, or horn-work, in which 
some cannon could be planted to enfilade the front of 
his lines, and defend the extreme right of his position. 
When Jackson saw a plan of the work he condemned 
it, but was persuaded to allow it to be built. It was 
accordingly thrown up, with three embrasures, which 
commanded the road, the river-bank, and flanked the 
front of the lines. A shallow ditch, that had run dry 
by the falling of the river, surrounded the redoubt, 
which had not been completed on the night of the 7th. 
Jackson, when he saw this work, shook his head, and 
remarked to one of his aids, "That will give us trouble." 

Let us survey these famous lines of Jackson's. Time 
has spared many memorials of the great achievements 
we relate. The scene of these events has experienced 
slighter changes in the last forty years than the arena 
of any similar occurrences in this land of change and 
progress. As if to rebuke the deficiencies of our histo- 
rical records, nature has preserved, in almost their 
original state, the physical characteristics of the scenery 
associated with the most glorious triumphs of the Ame- 
rican arms. The reader need only acquaint himself 
with the leading facts of the campaign, and then pro- 
ceeding six yards below the city, he may take his posi- 



308 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

tion in the gallery of Macarte where Jackson himself 
stood on the afternoon of the 7th January, 1815, closely 
observing through a telescope the movements in the 
British camp, situated two miles down the river. Here 
he will command^ a splendid view of the whole scene of 
this campaign. He will perceive the embankment, 
somewhat worn by time and the elements, behind which 
Jackson's men stationed themselves. He can trace it 
clearly and distinctly from the river to the swamp, in 
which it is lost to view. It becomes more distinct as it 
approaches the swamp, the ground near the river having 
been more exposed to the action of the plow and the 
tramp of men and cattle. The river having caved some 
hundred or two feet, the line of the levee has been 
slightly changed, and the road has worn away the 
mound and the vestiges of the redoubt on the extreme 
right. There is a handsome villa, quite ancient too in 
its aspect, standing near the road in the centre of the 
lines and about a hundred yards from the ditch. This, 
however, has been built since the war. Chalmette's 
buildings, which were destroyed by the Americans to 
give full play to their artillery, were at least two hun- 
dred yards in rear of this edifice. All else is as it was 
in 1815. Jackson's head-quarters are nearly concealed 
by a luxuriant growth of the graceful cedars and 
cypress, — which here assume the most symmetrical pro- 
portions, tapering off into perfect cones and pyramids. 
A thick orange hedge almost excludes a glimpse into 
the handsome garden, where bloom all the flowers and 
shrubs of this rich soil and benignant clime. But the 
buildings stand as they did "then, but slightly changed 
by the lapse of time. They are scarred in many places 
with marks of the severe cannonade to which they were 



PREPARATION FOR THE FINAL CONFLICT. 309 

exposed. The view stretches far down the river ; and 
is quite monotonous. The same broad, open field, 
divided by numerous ditches, and relieved at intervals 
of miles, by groves wherein nestle the homesteads of the 
planters and the neat little cottages of the negroes, com- 
plete the panorama. The noble Mississippi moves 
along with the same sublime grandeur, in the same 
course and at the same height as when, by its calm 
power and majesty, it inspired Jackson with that sublime 
courage and resolution, of which it is so mighty a 
symbol. 

Those fields are the same, too. The plain of Chal- 
mette, thus named after the. owner of the ground in front 
of Jackson's lines, has the same dimensions now that it 
had then. It is an unbroken level, usually when not in 
cane, covered with a luxuriant growth of stubble or 
weeds, and cut into numerous small ditches. Solitary 
live oaks, reverently spared by the plowman, loom out 
grandly at long distances apart from the grey or brown 
plain. The swamp, too, has preserved its line of sepa- 
ration from the fields. It presents the same contour as 
in 1815 — with that identical bulge or projection within 
two or three hundred yards of Jackson's lines, which 
served as a cover for the British in their advance. Near 
the swamp, and within it for some distance, the mound 
erected by the Tennesseeans is almost as prominent and 
clearly defined as it was, when the gallant bush-fighters 
rested their long rifles on its summit. 

So much for the present aspect of these classic plains. 
"What was their appearance in the memorable month 
of January, 1815 % 

Jackson's lines were drawn along an old mill race 
which separated the plantations of Eodriguez (Macarte's) 



310 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

and Chalmette. In the early days of the State, mills 
were located at the heads of canals, which were dug 
from the river towards the swamp, and through them a 
large body of water was projected from the river, the sur- 
face of which is several feet higher than the land in the 
rear. Rodriguez's canal had loug been abandoned, and 
was nearly filled up with dirt and grass, so that it pre- 
sented the appearance of a simple draining ditch. This 
position recommended itself to Jackson by the fact, that 
it left him the smallest space between the river and the 
swamp to defend. It gave him the narrowest front he 
could find near the position of the enemy. This was its 
only peculiarity, which would have attracted the notice 
of amost every man, who was driven with a small force, 
to the necessity of entrenching, to defend himself against 
a larger. It was Jackson's own selection. To this point 
he marched his army on the 24th, and ordered his men 
to widen the canal in front, throwing up the dirt into a 
parapet. The story that General Moreau had previously 
perceived the advantages of this position, and recom- 
mended it in case the city was approached in that 
quarter, is an absurd fiction, obvious to all who have 
ever observed the character of the country. 

Owing to the irregular, independent and hurried man- 
ner in which the parapet was thrown up, the men being 
continuously at work on it from the 24th December to 
7th January, it presented, when completed, quite an 
irregular appearance. In some places being twenty 
feet thick and in others of scarcely sufficient solidity to 
resist the enemy's balls ; in some places having a height 
sufficient to conceal the tallest men and in others hardly 
reaching the belt of an ordinary sized person. The 
mound was composed entirely of earth dug from the 



PREPARATION FOR THE FINAL CONFLICT. 311 

canal and the field in the rear. The experiment of using 
cotton bales and other articles in raising the embank- 
ment had been discarded, and the elastic, tenacious soil 
of the alluvion preferred to all other materials, being 
superior for such uses even to brick or granite. 

On the first of January, there was but a small part of 
the line, which could not be penetrated by the balls of 
the enemy, but on the 6th it was rendered cannon-proof 
nearly the whole length. This was the work of men 
who were unaccustomed to physical labor. The vigor 
and alacrity with which merchants, lawyers, young 
clerks, and others, who had hardly ever performed a 
day's work of manual labour in their lives, prosecuted 
this task for ten or twelve days, showed the earnest pur- 
pose and ardent resolution of Jackson's patriotic com- 
rades. 

The lines extended a mile and a half from the river 
to the woods, and then penetrated the swamp, as far as 
it was deemed possible to turn them, resting on the 
extreme left on an impassable swamp. That part of the 
lines, which passed through the woods was frail and 
rude, not being made to resist artillery. The average 
height of the parapet was five feet. In many places the 
men had to stoop to sight their guns from the mound. 
Nothing could have been ruder or simpler than this 
whole work, which is made to figure in history, as one 
of the most formidable fortifications that an invading 
army ever encountered. It is just such a parapet as the 
whole Delta of the Mississippi would present to an 
enemy, who might attempt to advance up the river. 
With embrasures cut in the levee, filled with cannon of 
sufficient calibre, well manned, the hostile navies of the 
world would find it nearly as difficult to reach New 



312 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Orleans by the Mississippi river, as for the Allied Squad- 
rons of France and Great Britain to pass the frowning 
and lofty granite batteries of Cronstadt and reach the 
famous stronghold of Russian power, St. Petersburg. 
Cannon balls will break, crush and dislodge granite, 
coral and even iron walls, but from the soil of the 
Mississippi bottoms they will rebound as if made of 
India-rubber. 

The artillery of Jackson was thus distributed. On the 
road within and near the levee was the battery of 
Colonel Humphrey of the regular artillery. It consisted 
of two brass twelves and a six-inch howitzer. These 
pieces enfiladed the road and grazed the flank of the 
redoubt. This battery was located about seventy yards 
from the river. The two twelves were served by U. S. 
artillerists, and the howitzer by the dragoons of Major 
St. Geme. 

Battery No. 2, distant ninety yards from No. 1, con- 
sisted of one twenty-four-pounder under Lieutenant 
Norris of the navy, and was served by sailors from the 
Carolina. 

Battery No. 3, fifty yards from No. 2, consisted of 
two twenty-fours, manned by the Baratarians and French 
privateers, under their famous chiefs, Dominique You 
and Bluche, who had been released from prison, to 
which they had been committed under indictments for 
piracy, for the purpose of aiding Jackson to defend the 
city. 

Battery No. 4, distant twenty yards from No. 3, con- 
sisted of one thirty-two-pounder, and was served by part 
}f the crew of the Carolina, under Lieutenant Crawley. 

Battery No. 5, distant one hundred and ninety yards 
from No. 4, commanded by Colonel Perry and Lieuten- 



PREPARATION FOR THE FINAL CONFLICT. 313 

ant Kerr of the artillery had two six-pounders and one 
eighteen. 

Battery No. 6, commanded by General Garrique 
Fleaujeac, a. veteran of Napoleon's wars, who had served 
in Egypt and Italy, was manned by a detachment of 
the Francs of the battalion D' Orleans, under the imme- 
diate command of Lieutenant Berbel, had a brass twelve. 
It was situate thirty-six yards from No. 5. 

Battery No. 7 had a long brass eighteen pound culve- 
rin and a six-pounder, under Lieutenant Spotts and 
Chameau, and was served by gunners of the U. S. artil- 
lery. It was one hundred and ninety yards from No. 6. 

Battery No. 8 had a small brass carronade, which 
could not be expected to render much service, as it was 
badly mounted. It was placed in charge of a corporal 
of artillery, and was served by some of Carroll's men, 
and was distant sixty yards from No. 7. This completed 
Jackson's batteries. His artillery force may be summed 
up as follows : Four sixes, (including those in the 
redoubt), three twelves, two eighteens, three twenty- 
fours, one thirty-two, one six-inch howitzer, and one 
small brass carronade. There was also a mortar, which 
remained for some time in the camp, of no use, because 
no person could be found in the army who knew how to 
plant it. This task was at last performed by a French 
veteran of the name of Lefebvre, but it did not prove a 
very effective weapon. Jackson's artillery consisted of 
sixteen pieces, of various calibre. The heaviest of the 
artillery were placed on the right, to resist the British 
batteries and repel the attack in that quarter. As a 
part of his defence, the marine battery on the right 
bank, under Patterson, consisting of three twenty-fours 
and six twelves, which that active officer had placed in 

14 



314 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

battery between the 30th December and 6th January, 
and which flanked the enemy on the left bank, must 
not.be forgotten. This would swell Jackson's artillery 
force to twenty -live pieces — quite a formidable propor- 
tion of artillery to so small a force of infantry. 

The latter were distributed as follows : The redoubt 
on the extreme right was occupied by a company of the 
7th infantry, under Lieutenant Ross. The two sixes 
were served by a detachment of the 44th, under Lieu- 
tenant Marant. Tents were pitched in this redoubt. 
On the extreme right, between Humphrey's battery and 
the river, were stationed Beale's rifles, thirty in number. 
From their left the 7th infantry extended to Battery ISTo. 
3, covering Humphrey's and Morris' guns, taking in the 
powder magazine, built since 1st January. 

This regiment was 430 strong, under that active young 
Creole, Major Peire. Between the two guns of Battery 
No. 3 (You's and Bluche's), the company of the car- 
bineers were stationed, and the remainder of Plauche's 
battalion of Orleans, and Lacoste's battalion of free men 
of color — the former numbering 289, the latter 280 — 
filled up the interval from No. 3 to No. 4 (Crawley's 
thirty-two), covering the latter gun. Daquin's battalion 
of free men of color, 150, and the 44th under Captain 
Baker, 240, extended to Perry's battery, "No. 5. 

Two-thirds of the remaining length of the line was 
guarded by Carroll's command, who was reinforced on 
the 7th by one thousand Kentuckians under General 
Adair, consisting of 600 men under Colonel Slaughter 
and 400 under Major Harrison, who were all of Major- 
General Thomas's Kentucky Division of 2,250 for whom 
arms could be obtained. 

On the right of Battery No. 7 (Spotts') fifty marines 



PREPARATION FOR THE FINAL CONFLICT. 315 

were stationed, under Lieutenant Bellevue. The extreme 
left was held by Coffee, whose men were compelled to 
stand constantly in the water, and had no other beds 
but the floating logs which they could make fast to the 
trees. Coffee's command was 500. Ogden's horse troop, 
fifty strong, was stationed near headquarters ; Cauveau's, 
thirty, near them ; and Hind's squadron, 150 strong, was 
encamped in the rear, on Delery's plantation. Detach- 
ments of Colonel Young's regiment of Louisiana militia 
were stationed in the rear, near Pierna's canal, to pre- 
vent the enemy coming into the camp in that direction, 
and also to prevent any persons from leaving the lines. 
Outposts were thrown out five hundred yards to the 
front. Jackson's whole force on the left bank of the 
river amounted to 4,000 men, but his lines were occu- 
pied by only 3,200, of which less than 800 were regular 
troops, and those mostly fresh recruits, commanded by 
young officers. The consolidated report, in the Adju- 
tant-General's office, gives Jackson, on the 8th January, 
1815, on the left bank of the river, a force of 5,045 — in 
which, however, Major Harrison's Kentucky battalion 
is not included. 

Jackson's arm y was divided into two divisions. The 
troops from the right to the left of the 44th, were under 
the command of Colonel Ross, acting Brigadier General, 
and the left of the line under Carroll and Coffee, the for- 
mer as Major-General, and the latter as Brigadier-Gene- 
ral. 

How grossly and shamefully untrue is the statement 
of nearly all the British historians, that Jackson had an 
army of twelve thousand. Alison, in his fourth vol- 
ume of his History of Europe, says : " Including seamen 
and marines, about six thousand combatants on the 



316 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

British side were in the field ; a slender force to attack 
double their number, entrenched to their teeth in works 
bristling with bayonets and loaded with heavy artillery. 
.... General Jackson, an officer since become celebra- 
ted both in the military and political history of the coun- 
try, commanded a military force destined for the defence 
of the city, which amounted to about twelve thousand 
men." It will be seen that this great standard historian 
quadruples Jackson's force, and by the vagueness of his 
terms, conveys the idea that the British were but six 
thousand, which was the number of their storming col- 
umns, exclusive of their reserves, of Thornton's detach- 
ment, and the sailors and marines. 

So Bissett, in his History of the reign of George III., 
states that the American force collected for the defence 
of New Orleans, consisted of 30,000 men. The author 
of the Narrative of the British army at "Washington, Bal- 
timore, and New Orleans, an actor in the events he 
describes, after mentioning the conflicting estimates of 
the American force, varying from 23,000 to 30,000, 
chooses a middle course, and supposes the whole force 
to be about twenty-five thousand. Baines, in his His- 
tory of the French Kevolution, approaches the truth, 
and sets down the force on each side at about ten thou- 
sand men. 

Besides the arrangements for defence mentioned, there 
was another characteristic precaution of Jackson. He 
had directed another entrenchment to be thrown up a 
mile and a half in the rear of that which he occupied 
with 1) is army, in which were posted all those of his 
array who were not well armed or regarded as able- 
bodied. With rare exceptions, the men in charge of 
this line were armed only with spades and pick-axes. 



PREPARATION FOR THE FINAL CONFLICT. 317 

Should the enemy succeed in carrying his main works 
by escalade, Jackson intended to throw forward his 
mounted force, and under their protection fall back to 
and rally upon his second line. A third line had also 
been drawn still nearer the city, upon which the men 
had commenced working quite vigorously. 

On the 6th, it was well understood by Jackson that 
the British intended to cross the river, but whether for 
the purpose of concentrating their force on the weak 
defences on the right bank, or for a simultaneous and 
concerted advance on both banks, could only be conjec- 
tured by the American commander. To obtain some 
information on this point, Jackson sent his intelligent 
and sagacious aid, Col. John R. Grimes, across the river, 
to observe the movements of the enemy at Yillere's, and 
report upon the condition of Morgan's defences. Colo- 
nel Grimes executed this order in a prompt and efficient 
manner. He saw at a glance, that the enemy were pre- 
paring to throw a detachment across the river, and he 
advised General Morgan to march his whole force down, 
under cover of the levee, take post opposite Yillere's, 
and when the enemy approached in their boats, to open 
fire upon them. Completely protected by the levee, a 
better entrenchment than that which Jackson had 
thrown up on the left, there is little doubt that if this 
advice had been adopted, Morgan would have destroyed 
the British detachment, which might attempt to cross 
the river, or at least driven it back. But, instead of 
pursuing this sensible and practicable plan, Morgan 
stationed his advance, consisting of 120 militia of Major 
Arnaud's battalion, under Major Tessier, armed with 
fowling-pieces and musket cartridges, on Mayhew's canal, 
in front of his own position, and several hundred yards 



318 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

from the place where the British would probably land. 
Of course this small force could cover but a small por- 
tion of a position so illy chosen. 

On the night of the 7th, Commodore Patterson and 
his volunteer aid, R. D. Shepherd, proceeded down the 
right bank of the river, and arriving at a point opposite 
the scene of the British preparations, where they ap- 
peared to be most actively engaged, observed closely 
their proceedings. They could hear a considerable 
commotion in the enemy's camp — the sounds of men 
pulling and dragging boats, as if in great haste — the 
splash of boats, as they fell into the river — the orders 
of officers, and expressions of relief and satisfaction of 
the laborers, as some work appeared to be finished. 
They could even discover, by the camp fires, a long line 
of soldiers drawn up on the levee. They hastened back 
to Patterson's battery. On their return, Patterson 
observed the very weak and insecure position of Morgan, 
and after consulting with that officer, directed Mr. 
Shepherd to cross the river and inform General Jackson 
of the state of affairs, and beg him to reinforce Morgan, 
who had not men enough to occupy his lines. She|)herd 
crossed the river, and arrived at Jackson's headquarters 
about one o'clock on the morning of the 8th. He in- 
formed the sentinel on guard that he had important 
intelligence to communicate to the General, and was 
accordingly ushered into the room, where Jackson lay 
on a sofa, snatching a few moments of rest from the 
great fatigues of the day. Around the General lav his 
aids, on the floor, all asleej). On Shepherd's entering, 
Jackson raised his head and asked, 

"Who's there?" 

Mr. Shepherd gave his name, and added that he had 



PREPARATION FOR THE FINAL CONFLICT. 319 

» 

been sent over by Commodore Patterson and General 
Morgan, to inform him, General Jackson, that the 
appearances in the British camp, indicated that the 
main attack was to be made on the right bank, and that 
Morgan required more troops to maintain his position. 
"Hurry back," replied the General, rising from his 
recumbent position, " and tell General Morgan that he 
is mistaken. The main attack will be on this side, and 
I have no men to spare. He must maintain his position 
at all hazards." Then looking at his watch, and observ- 
ing that it was past one o'clock, he exclaimed aloud, 
addressing his sleeping aids: ''Gentlemen, we have 
slept enough. Arise. The enemy will be upon us in a 
few minutes ; I must go and see Coffee." The aids arose 
hastily and commenced buckling on their swords, when 
Mr. Shepherd departed, and recrossing the river, deli- 
vered the reply of Jackson to Morgan. 

Jackson did not, however, neglect Morgan ; but 
ordered General Adair to send a detachment of 500 
Kentuckians to the lines on the right bank. This detach 
ment was placed under the command of Colonel Davis. 
It was very badly armed and was greatly delayed in 
crossing the river. At the naval arsenal, on the right 
bank, the Kentuckians received some old muskets, but 
when they commenced their march to join Morgan, 
there were but 260 of them armed, and some of these 
had common pebbles instead of flints in their locks. 
They were, however, hurried forward without rest or 
food, and after a fatiguing march of five or six miles 
arrived at Morgan's lines ; thence they were ordered 
forward to the advance position already occupied by 
Tessier. They arrived here greatly fatigued, and formed 
on Tessier's left but a few moments before the enemy 
appeared in sight. 



320 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Morgan's whole force consisted of 812 men, all militia, 
and but poorly armed. On his left he had two six- 
pounders, which were placed in charge of Adjutant 
John Nixon of the Louisiana militia, and a twelve- 
pounder under Lieutenant Philibert of the navy. 

Patterson's battery being in the rear of and masked 
by Morgan's lines, could not be used in defence of the 
same. The guns were turned so as to flank the front of 
Jackson's lines on the left bank. 

Such were the arrangements of the two armies for 
the expected final combat. 

There was little sleeping in the American lines on 
the night of the 7th. The men were all engaged in 
cleaning their pieces, preparing cartridges and perform- 
ing various duties of preparation for the conflict. The 
outposts and scouting parties were all alive as usual, 
watching every movement in the British camp with 
characteristic American curiosity. They could hear 
very distinctly corresponding notes of preparation on 
the enemy's side, among which were the noises of the 
workmen engaged in reconstructing the redoubts, near 
the Chalmette buildings, which had been destroyed on 
the 1st of January. 

There was intense anxiety, but no fear in Jackson's 
little army. The citizen soldiers had now grown to be 
veterans. They had learned to confide in their General, 
and in themselves, and if these were not sufficient to 
nerve their arms for the struggle, the recollection of 
those dear ones, who then reposed in the city behind 
them, with so much confidence in their devotion and 
heroism, inspired every heart with heroic courage and 
determination. 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 321 



XYI. 

THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 
THE VICTORY. 

[The Eighth of January, 1S15.] 

By the same conveyance which brought the reinforce- 
ments of Lambert, the British soldiers received a most 
acceptable addition to their comforts, in the shape of a 
supply of fresh provisions. A refreshing supper on the 
evening of the 7th produced no little vivacity in the 
camp, and after packing their knapsacks, burnishing their 
arms, filling their cartridge-boxes, and arranging their 
neatest toggery, that they might appear before the 
famous beauties of New Orleans to the greatest advan- 
tage, the soldiers destined to storm Jackson's lines lay 
down to refresh their bodies for the coming struggle. 
At the same time, Thornton with his command, moved 
to the bank of the river, where the men were drawn up 
and kept waiting for the boats which were to transport 
them to the opposite side. The patience of Thornton 
was sorely tried by the delay in the arrival of the boats. 
After the British had excavated a canal of sufficient 
depth, the banks began to cave in just as they were 
dragging the boats through the water, and thus their 
progress was greatly impeded. The providential and 
quite unexpected falling of the river was the cause of 

14* 



322 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

this obstacle. The sailors were at last compelled to drag 
the boats through the mud, and were thus enabled to 
launch upon the river about one-fourth of the boats 
needed, by three o'clock in the morning. Dismissing 
one-half of his force, Thornton ordered his own regiment, 
a division of sailors and a company of marines, to crowd 
into the boats, making about seven hundred men, and 
then the flotilla under Captain Eoberts pushed oif from 
the left bank of the river. This was not Thornton's 
only unexpected obstacle. Deceived as all strangers are 
by the quiet, smooth current of the Mississippi, Captain 
Eoberts imagined that the oars of his sailors could keep 
the boats right ahead and enable him to disembark at a 
point opposite that of his departure. He was grievously 
mistaken. The Mississippi current at this point runs at 
the rate of five miles an hour. The barges of the 
British, instead of holding up against the current, were 
swept by it a mile and a half down the stream. Thus 
it happened that before Thornton's detachments could 
step ashore, the eastern sky began to be streaked with 
the light of the coming day. 

Long after the men in the British camp had fallen 
asleep, full of hope, confidence, of bright dreams of 
wealth, luxury, and spoils of " booty and beauty," the 
officers kept awake in their little circles, discussing the 
chances of the morrow's combat. The older and more 
experienced commanders, to whom the delay in bringing 
up the boats was known, were gloomy and .desponding. 
Some of them openly expressed their belief that the 
ensemble of the plan was lost, and it would have to be 
gone over again. Col. Dale, of the 93d Highlanders, a 
brave and thoughtful officer, being asked his opinion, 
turned to Dr. Dempster of his regiment, and giving him 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 32o 

his watch and a letter, said : "Deliver these to my wife 
— I shall die at the head of my regiment." The conduct 
of Col. Mullens, of the 44th, was even more desponding, 
and far less heroic. His wife, an elegant lady, was then 
in the fleet, and had come over to grace the fashionable 
circles of ~New Orleans. She had been the life of the 
squadron, contributing, by her fascinating manners and 
vivacity, to brighten many of the dull and gloomy hours 
of the long voyage. But her husband was far from 
being the soul of the army. Son of a lord, he had 
obtained his promotion more by influence than merit. 
Among the officers who have carved out their names 
and commissions, by their own good swords, the desig- 
nation of Mullens to lead the advance of the storming 
party was ascribed to the natural esprit de corps of their 
aristocratic commander, himself the son of an earl. 
Perhaps they were correct, but Packenham and Mullens 
took very different views of the privileges of the sons 
of peers. Packenham regarded that an honor and dis- 
tinction, which he frequently enjoyed, never without 
glory, and never without grievous wounds, which 
Mullens looked upon as a death sentence. He had 
received one honorable wound at Albuera, and that 
sufficed to fill the measure of his ambition. Besides, 
Colonel Mullens, whether prompted by his regard for 
his own safety, or his good sense, had the sagacity to 
perceive the hopelessness of the enterprise ; and to 
declare that conviction in the hearing of both officers 
and men. He stated that his regiment had been ordered 
to execution — that their dead bodies were to be used as 
a bridge for the remainder of the army to march over 
to a like fate. 
The young officers were in better spirits. They had 



321 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

no doubt of their success, and in a gay and jovial 
manner discussed their individual chances in the battle, 
speculated on the ulterior results of the campaign — on 
the prospect of accumulating fortunes — where they 
would be quartered in the city — what frolics they 
would have — what distinction they would enjoy in the 
gay society of New Orleans — what "jolly letters " they 
would write home, and what handsome presents they 
would " send to the girls they left behind them," not 
forgetting mothers, wives, sisters and cousins. 

About the hour when Jackson aroused his aids, Pack- 
enham having refreshed himself with a short slumber, 
repaired from his head-quarters at Yillere's mansion, to 
the mouth of the canal, and there discovered the morti- 
fying delay in the transportation of Thornton's detach- 
ment across the river. A cooler headed commander 
would have perceived the serious inteiruption which 
this accident made in his plan of operations, and con- 
formed his other movements to it. In other words, he 
would have countermanded the advance on the left 
bank, which it was now certain must follow that on the 
right, but which, if executed under the orders that had 
been issued, should precede it. But Packenham was a 
self-willed, gallant and somewhat reckless man, who 
believed that courage and daring were the chief reliance 
in all military operations, who never, like Lysander, 
eked out the lion's skin with the fox's. The orders of 
the 7th were, therefore, adhered to. 

Before day, Gibbs' and Keane's men were aroused 
from their lairs, and forming, advanced in line some 
distance in front of the pickets, about 400 or 500 yards 
from the American lines. Here they remained, listen- 
ing in anxious suspense for the firing on the other side 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 325 

of the river. Not a sound could be heard across the 
calm surface of the great, silent Mississippi. A thick 
fog involved the army, and shut out all in front and 
rear from their view. The minutes, the hours new 
rapidly by, and not a sound of Thornton could be heard. 
The truth was, that gallant officer had not even landed 
his men, when Gibbs began to form his column for the 
advance. The mist was now breaking. The American 
flag, on its lofty staff in the centre of Jackson's lines, 
began to wave its striped and starry folds above the 
vapory exhalations from the earth, within full view of 
the British lines, and the dark mound, behind which the 
guardians of that standard stood with arms at rest, be- 
came faintly visible. On the mound stood many a sharp- 
eyed soldier, painfully stretching his vision to catch the 
first glance of the enemy, that he might announce his 
approach, or have the first fire at him. This honor was 
reserved for Lieutenant Spotts, who, perceiving a faint 
red line several hundred yards in front, discharged his 
heavy gun at it. Slowly the fog rolled up and thinned 
off, revealing the whole British line stretching across 
two-thirds of the plain. At the same moment a rocket 
shot up near the river ; another on the right, near the 
swamp ; and then the long line seemed to melt away 
suddenly, puzzling the American gunners, who were 
just bringing their pieces to bear upon it. But the 
British had only changed their position and then 
deployed into column of companies. 

Forming his column of attack in admirable order, 
Gibbs now advanced towards the wood, so as to have 
its cover, the Mth in front, followed by the 21st and 
4th. The column passed the redoubt on the extreme 
right of the British, near the swamp, where the men of 



32 G JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

the 44th were directed to pack the ladders and fascines, 
at the same time stacking their muskets. The batteries of 
Spotts' No. 0, and Garrique's E"o. 7, and the Howitzer ISTo. 
8, now began to play npon the column with some effect. 
There was no time to spare. The 44th, with the rest of 
the column, rushed past the redoubt, some of the men 
picking up a few fascines and ladders as they marched, 
and, fronting towards the American lines, advanced 
steadily in compact column, bearing their muskets at a 
shoulder. In his advance Gibbs obliqued towards the 
wood, so as to be covered by the projection of the 
swamp. But he could not elude the fire of the batteries, 
which began to pour round and grapeshot into his lines 
with destructive effect. It was at this moment whispered 
through the column that the 44th had not brought the 
ladders and fascines. Packenham hearing it, rode to 
the front, and discovered that it was but too true. He 
immediately called out to Colonel Mullens, who was at 
the head of his regiment, " To tile to the rear and pro- 
ceed to the redoubt, execute the order, and return as 
soon as possible with his regiment.'' The execution of 
this order produced some confusion in the column, 
and some delay in its advance. Gibbs, indignant at 
this disturbance and the disobedience of Mullens, and 
perceiving his men falling around him, exclaimed in a 
loud voice, " Let me live till to-morrow and I'll hang 
him to the highest tree in that swamp." But the column 
could not stand there exposed to the terrible fire of the 
American batteries, waiting for the 44th, and so Gibbs 
ordered them forward. On they went, the 21st and 4th, 
in solid, compact column, the men hurraing, and the 
rocketers covering their front with a blaze of their com- 
bustibles. The American batteries we have named were 



TELE BATTLE OF NEW OKLEANS. 327 

now playing upon them with awful effect, cutting great 
lanes through the column from front to rear, and huge 
gaps in their flanks. These intervals were, however, 
quickly filled up by the gallant Redcoats. The column 
advanced without pause or recoil steadily towards 
Spotts' long eighteen, and Ckauveau's six (No. 9). 
Carroll's men were all in their places, with guns sighted 
on the summit of the parapet, whilst the Kentuckians, 
in two lines, stood behind, ready to take the places of 
the Tennesseeans as soon as their pieces were discharged, 
thus making four lines in this part of the entrenchment. 
There they stood all as firm as veterans, as cool and cal- 
culating as American frontiersmen. All the batteries in 
the American line, including Patterson's marine battery 
on the right bank, began now to join those on the left 
in hurling a tornado of iron missies into that serried, 
scarlet column, which shook and oscillated like a huge 
painted ship tossed on an angry sea. 

" Stand to your guns," cried Jackson, as he glanced 
along the lines, " don't waste your ammunition — see that 
every shot tells." 

Again he exclaimed, " Give it to them, boys; let us 
finish the business to-day." 

The confused and reeling army of Eedcoats had 
approached within two hundred yards of the ditch, when 
the loud command of Carroll, " Fire ! fire !" rang 
through the lines. The order was obeyed, not hurriedly, 
excitedly, and confused, but calmly and deliberately, by 
the whole of Carroll's command, commencing on the 
left of the 44th. The men had previously calculated the 
range of their guns, and not a shot was thrown away. 
Their bullets swept through the British column, cutting 
down the men by scores, and causing its head and flanks 



328 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

to melt away, like snow before a torrent. ISTor was it 
one, or several discharges followed by pauses and inter- 
vals ; bnt the fire was kept up without interruption — the 
front men firing and falling back to load. Thus the four 
lines, two Tennesseeans and two Kentuckians, sharing the 
labor and glory of the most rapid and destructive fusil- 
ade ever poured into a column of soldiers. 

For several minutes did that terrible, incessant fire 
blaze along Carroll's front, and that rolling, deafening, 
prolonged thunder fill the ears and confuse the sense of 
the astounded Britons. Those sounds will never cease 
to reverberate in the ears of all who survived that mer- 
ciless fire. 

The roar of the cannon, the hissing of the shells, the 
low, rumbling growl of the musketry, the wild scream 
of the rockets, the whizzing of round shot, the sweeping 
blast of chain-shot and the crash of grape, formed a 
horrid concert. 

Then was seen the great advantage which the Ameri- 
cans possess in the skill with which they handle fire- 
arms — the rapidity with which they load, the accuracy 
of their calculation, and the coolness of their aim — qual- 
ities developed by their frontier life, and their habit of 
using arms from boyhood. 

There were scarcely more than fifteen hundred pieces 
brought to bear on the British column, but in the hands 
of Tennesseeans and Kentuckians they were made as 
effective as ten times that number, fired by regulars of 
the best armies of Europe. Against this terrible fire, 
Gibbs boldly led his column. It is no reflection upon 
even those veterans, to say that they halted, wavered, 
and shrunk at times, when the crash of bullets became 
most terrible, when they were thus shot down by a foe 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 329 

whom they could not see. But the gallant Peninsular 
officers threw themselves in front, inciting and arousing 
their men by every appeal, and by the most brilliant 
examples of courage. The men cried out, " Where are 
the 44th ? If we get to the ditch we have no means of 
scaling the lines !" " Here come the 44th ! here come 
the 44th!" shouted Gibbs. This assurance restored 
order and contidence in the ranks. There came at least 
a detachment of the 44th, with Packenliam himself at 
their head, rallying and inspiring them by appeals to 
their ancient fame — reminding them of the glory they 
had acquired in Egypt and elsewhere, and addressing 
them as his " countrymen " (the 44th were mostly Irish). 
The men came up gallantly enough, bearing their lad- 
ders and fascines, but their colonel was far in the rear, 
being unable, even with the assistance of a servant, to 
reach his post over the rough field. Packenliam led 
them forward, and they were soon breasting the storm 
of bullets with the rest of the column. At this moment 
Packenham's bridle arm was struck by a ball, and his 
horse killed by anothe% He then mounted the small 
black creole pony of hi%:Aid, Captain McDougall, and 
pressed forward. But the column had advanced now as 
far as it could get. Most of the regimental officers were 
cut down. Patterson, of the 21st ; Brookes, of the 4th ; 
and Debbiegs, of the 44th, were all disabled at the heads 
of their regiments. There were not officers enough to 
command, and the column began now to break into 
detachments, some pushing forward to the ditch, but the 
greater part falling back to the rear and to the swamp?, 
until the whole front was cleared. They were soon 
rallied at the ditch, were re-formed, and . throwing off 
their knapsacks, advanced again. 



330 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Keane, judging very rashly, that the moment had 
arrived for him to act, now wheeled his line into column 
(it had been, as we have seen, intended as a reserve to 
threaten, without advancing upon the American lines), 
and with the 93d in front, pushed forward to act his 
part in the bloody tragedy. The gallant and stalwart 
Highlanders, nine hundred strong, strode across the 
ensanguined field, with their heavy, solid, massive front 
of a hundred men, and their bright muskets glittering 
in the morning sun, which began now to scatter a few 
rays over the field of strife. Onward pressed the Tartan 
warriors, regardless of the concentrated fire of the bat- 
teries, which now poured then* iron hail into their ranks. 
At a more rapid pace than the other column, the 93d 
rushed forward into the very mselstroom of Carroll's 
musketry, which swept the field as if with a huge scythe. 
The gallant Dale fulfilled his prophecy, and fell at the 
head of his regiment, a grapeshot passing through his 
body. Major Creagh then took the command. Incited 
by the example of the 93d, the remnant of Gibb's bri- 
gade again came up with Packenham on their left and 
Gibbs on the right. They had approached within a 
hundred yards of the lines. 

At this moment the standard-bearer of the 93d feeling 
something rubbing against his epaulette, turned, and 
perceived through the smoke the small black horse 
which Packenham now rode. It was led by his Aid, as 
he seemed to have no use of his right arm. In his left 
hand he held his cap, which he waved in the air, crying 
out, "Hurra! brave Highlanders." At this instant 
there was a terrible crash, as if the contents of one of 
the big guns of the Americans had fallen on the spot, 
killing and wounding nearly all who were near. It was 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 331 

hen the Ensign of the 93d saw the horse of Pakenham 
all, and the General roll from the saddle into the arms 
If Captain McDongall, who sprang forward to receive 
dm. A grape-shot had struck the General on the thigh, 
nd passed through his horse, killing the latter immedi- 
tely. As Captain McDongall and some of the men 
rere raising the General, another ball struck him in the 
;roin, which produced an immediate paralysis. It is 
n interesting coincidence that Captain McDougall was 
be same officer into whose arms General Ross had 
alien from his horse in the advance on Baltimore. The 
rounded and dying General was borne to the rear, and 
aid down in the shade of a venerable live oak, standing 
n the centre of the field, beyond the reach of the 
American guns. A surgeon was called, who pronounced 
ds wound mortal. In a few minutes the gallant yonng 
•nicer breathed his last, and his faithful Aid had to 
anient the death of another heroic chief, who, after 
vinning laurels that entitled him to repose and glory 
enough for life, perished thus ingloriously in a war of 
mjust invasion against his own race and kindred, 
ike old oak under which Packenham yielded up his soul 
till stands, bent and twisted by time and many tempests 
—a melancholy monument of that great disaster of the 
British arms ! 

Gibbs fared even worse than Packenham, for despe- 
-ately wounded shortly after the fall of the General-in- 
Dhief, he, too, was borne to the rear, and lingered many, 
nany hours, in horrible agony, until the day after, when 
leath came to his relief. Keane also fell badly wounded, 
oeing shot through the neck, and was carried off the 
field. There were now no field officers to command or 
rally the broken column. Major "Wilkinson, Brigade 



332 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Major, shouted to the men to follow, and pushed for 1 
ward. 

Followed and aided by Lieutenant Lavack anc 
twenty men, he succeeded in passing the ditch, and kac 1 
clambered up the breastwork, when, just as he raised 1 
his head and shoulders over its summit, a dozen guns' 
were brought to bear against him, and the exposed 
portions of his body were riddled with bullets. He 
had, however, strength to raise himself, and fell upon 
the parapet, whence his mutilated body was borne, with 
every expression of pity and sympathy, by the gene- 
rous Kentuckians and Tennesseeans, to a place of 
shelter in the rear of the camp. Here the gallant 
Briton received every attention which could be ren- 
dered to him. Major Smiley, of the Kentuckians, a 
kind-hearted gentleman, endeavored to cheer the spirits 
of the dying soldier, saying, " Bear up, my dear fellow, 
you are too brave a man to die." " I thank yon from 
my heart," faintly murmured the young officer. "It 
is all over with me. You can render me a favor ; it is 
to communicate to my commander that I fell on your 
parapet, and died like a soldier and a true Englishman." 
In two hours the gallant Wilkinson was a corpse, and 
his body was respectfully covered with one of the colors 
of the volunteers. 

After the fall of Wilkinson, the men who followed 
him threw themselves into the ditch. Some made fee- 
ble efforts to climb up the parapet, but it was too 
slippery, and they rolled into the fosse. The majority, 
however, were satisfied to cower under the protection 
of the entrenchment, where they were allowed a 
momentary respite and shelter from the American fire. 
The remainder of the column broken, disorganized, and 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 333 

)anic-stricken, retired in confusion and terror, each 
egiment leaving two-thirds of its men dead or wonnded 
>n the field. The 93d, which had advanced with nine 
mndred men and twenty-five officers, could muster but 
>ne hundred and thirty men and nine officers, who now 
tole rapidly from the bloody field, their bold courage 
,11 changed into wild dismay. The other regiments 
ufFerecl in like manner, especially the 21st, which had 
ost five hundred men. The fragments of the two gal- 
ant brigades fell back precipitately towards the rear. 

At this moment Lambert, hearing of the death of 
'ackenham and the severe wounds of Gibbs and Keane, 
.dvanced slowly and cautiously forward with the reserve. 
"ust before he received his last wound, Packenham had 
•rdered Sir John Tyndell, one of his Staff, to order up 
lie reserve. As the bugler was about to sound the 
f advance," by order of Sir John, his right arm was 
truck with a ball, and his bugle fell to the ground, 
the order was accordingly never given, and the reserve 
>nly inarched up to cover the retreat of the broken 
columns of the two other brigades. 
i Thus, in less than twenty-five minutes was the main 
ittack of the British most disastrously repelled, and the 
.wo brigades nearly destroyed. On their left they had 
ichieved a slight success, which threatened serious con- 
sequences to the American lines. Here the advance of 
Keane's brigade, consisting of the 95th rifles, the light 
nfantry companies of the 7th, 93d ? and 43d, and seve- 
ral companies of the West India regiments — in all, 
aearly a thousand men, under the gallant and active 
Dfficer, Colonel Kennie, of the 21st — had crept up so 
suddenly on the Americans, as to surprise their outpost 
and reach the redoubt about as soon as the advance 



334: JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

guard of the Americans, which was threatened by 
Gibbs's advance, had fallen back from their left, and 
was now hurrying into their lines. The British were so j 
close upon the retiring guard, that the Americans were 5 
unable to open their batteries upon them, fearing that' 
they would kill some of their own men. It was with ' 
difficulty that Humphrey could keep his gunners from 
applying the match to his pieces that completely com- • 
manded the road, down which the Americans mingled ' 
with the pursuing British, were retiring. At last, 
reaching the redoubt, the Americans clambered over 
the embankment and the leading files of the British ' 
following, succeeded in also gaining the interior, where, I 
being supported by others, they engaged in a hand-to- ' 
hand fight with the soldiers of the 7th infantry, whom 
they drove out into the lines, which were reached by a 
plank across the ditch separating the redoubt from the 
main lines. But they did not hold the redoubt long, for 
now the 7th infantry began to direct its whole fire upon 
the interior of the redoubt, which very soon made it too • 
hot for the British. In the meantime, the mainbody of • 
the detachment advanced in two columns, one on the !• 
road, and the other filing along the river under cover of 
the Levee. The 7th infantry and Humphrey's batteries 
poured into the column on the road a most destructive 
fire. Those on the river bank were protected by the 
Levee from the fire of the batteries, and troops in the 
lines, but attracted the attention of the hawk-eyed Pat- 
terson, on the right bank of the river, who gave them 
scattering volleys of grape, which strewed the river 
bank with the dead and wounded. It was here, Eennia 
advanced at the head of his command. He had been 
struck on the calf of the leg by a grape shot, which 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 335 

' tore a ghastly wound. He still pressed on, huzzaing 
and encouraging his men. The heroic bearing of this 
gallant officer rushing so impetuously into the very 
[jaws of death, excited a thrill of admiration in those 
Americans who observed his conduct. Perhaps this 
feeling obtained for Rennie a brief respite, and reserved 
j for him the only glory which was achieved by the Bri- 
tish on that field. Advancing with several other officers 
and men, he reached the ditch on the extreme right, 
within a few yards of the river's edge, and climbing up 
the parapet, gained the summit of the breastwork. 
The Orleans Bines, who defended this part of the line, 
fell back a few yards, in order to have better aim. 
Rennie, with two others — Captain Henry, of the 7th 
infantry, a tall and stalwart Irishman, and Major King, 
of the same regiment — gained the breastwork, and wav- 
ing his sword, shouted in a loud voice, " Hurra, boys, 
the day is ours !" The words had barely passed his 
lips (and they were distinctly heard within the Ameri- 
can lines) when the sharp cracking report of the Rifles 
gave awful warning of the fate of the adventurous 
Britons. They had made themselves the targets for the 
famous marksmen of E"ew Orleans. Their dead bodies, 
rolling heavily from the parapet into the ditch, justified 
the reputation of the Rifles as sharp-shooters. There- 
upon, the remainder of Rennie's column fell back, hur- 
rying to the rear as rapidly as they could under cover 
of the Levee. That portion of the detachment which 
had advanced on the road, suffered greatly from the fire 
of Humphrey's, Morris, You's, and Bluche's batteries, 
and from the w ell-directed musketry of the 7th infantry, 
and was soon compelled to retire in disorder. This 
attack on the extreme right of the American lines 



336 JACKSON AND NEW OELEANS. 

occurred at the same time with the first advance of 
Gibbs's column on the left. 

There is some force in the suggestion of a British offi- 
cer, writing of these events, that it would have been 
wiser for Keane, with his main column, to have followed 
up his advance and thrown his whole force upon the 
American right, where Rennie succeeded in scaling the 
parapet. 

As the detachments on the road advanced, their 
bugler, a boy of fourteen or fifteen climbing a small 
tree within two hundred yards of the American lines, 
straddled a limb and continued to blow the " charge " 
with all his power. There he remained during the 
whole action, whilst the cannon balls and bullets 
ploughed the ground around him, killed scores of men, 
and tore even the branches of the tree in which he sat. 
Above the thunder of the artillery, the rattling of fire 
the musketry, and all the din and uproar of the strife, 
the shrill blast of the little bugler could be heard, and 
even when his companions had fallen back and retreated 
from the field, he continued true to his duty, and blew 
the charge with undiminished vigor. At last, when the 
British had entirely abandoned the ground, an Ameri- 
can soldier, passing from the lines, captured the little 
bugler and brought him into camp, where he was 
greatly astounded, when some of the enthusiastic 
Creoles, who had observed his gallantry, actually 
embraced him, and officers and men vied with each 
other in acts of kindness to so gallant a little soldier. 

A more melancholy spectacle was presented, when 
some of the Americans brought within the lines the 
bodies of Colonel Rennie and the two other officers who 
had fallen in the ditch. There arose a warm discussion 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 337 

among the Bines for the honor of having " brought 
down" the Colonel. Withers, the crack shot of the 
company then, and for a long time after a highly 
respectable merchant of New Orleans, exclaimed : 

"If he isn't hit above the eyebrows, it wasn't my 
shot !" On examination it was discovered that the bul- 
let had entered the head of the gallant Briton just over 
the eyebrows. Withers was, therefore, recognized as 
his slayer, and the mournful duty was devolved upon 
him of preserving the valuables, including the watch, 
purse, and epaulette of the unfortunate officer, and 
transmitting them to his widow, who was then in the 
fleet lj T ing off the coast. The two other officers killed 
with Bennie, Captain Henry, of the 7th, and Major 
King, of the same regiment, were fairly riddled with 
rifle balls ; the first named having received no less than 
five balls in various parts of his body. Henry and 
King were in full uniform, Rennie wore his grey over- 
coat. 

Whilst this terrible slaughter was being enacted on 
the extreme right and left of the American lines, the 
centre remained inactive. A few men on the right of 
Blanche's battalion fired without orders, when the 7th 
infantry commenced their fire, but they were quickly 
silenced by their officers as the enemy were too far off, 
and they only wasted their ammunition. From 
Plauche's battalion to the left of the 44th, including 
Blanches, Daquin's, and Lacoste's battalions, and the 
44th, at least eight hundred men, not a gun was fired, 
save a few, which were discharged at an angle of forty- 
five degrees, in order that the bullets might fall into the 
ranks of the enemy, and a few scattering shots by the 
left company of the 44th, which, however, were 

15 



338 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

instantly suppressed. The gallant volunteers chafed 
with impatience at the restraints to which they were 
thus subjected in being compelled to look on, idle spec- 
tators, of so glorious a conflict. They could with 
difficulty be prevented from stealing from their posts to 
the right or left, to have a shot at the cajpotes rouges. 
If, however, they did not contribute to the predominant 
music of the conflict, the roar of the cannon and the 
rattling of musketry, they served to enliven and vary 
the monotony of those sounds, and offered an additional 
stimulant to the courage and ardor of the men, by the 
inspiriting melody of their fine band. 

It is a rare circumstance in a battle, that martial 
music can be sustained throughout the action. In the 
American army, such an occurrence was a phenomenon 
never before observed in any battle. The moment the 
British came into view and their signal rocket pierced 
the sky with its fiery train, the band of the Batta- 
lion D'Orleans struck up "Yankee Doodle" — and 
thenceforth, throughout the action, it did not cease to 
discourse all the national and military airs in which it 
had been instructed. The British had not this incentive. 
Their musical instruments had never been taken from 
the box in which they were afterwards found by the 
Americans. They advanced with no blasts of trumpet, 
with no stirring roll of drums and lively notes of the 
piercing fife — with not even the monotonous martial 
scream of the bagpipe, arousing the pride and heroism 
of the Highlanders. A few buglers in the light infan- 
try regiments contributed the only musical sounds, to 
relieve, on their side, the awful din and tumult of the 
battle. 

Subtracting the centre of Jackson's lines already 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 339 

enumerated, at least one-half of Coffee's men, who 
never fired a gun, and a large number of Kentuckians, 
whose pieces were so defective as according to the tes- 
timony of some persons, to place the Tennesseeans in 
more danger from their friends and supporters in the 
rear than from their enemies in front, there were 
actually less than half of Jackson's whole force engaged 
in the battle. There is no instance in history where so 
small a force achieved such destructive results. It is 
true, the batteries contributed largely to these results, 
but not to the extent that is generally estimated, as the 
heaviest of Jackson's guns were kept quite busy return- 
ing the fire of the two batteries, which the British had 
thrown up on the night of the 7th, in the centre of the 
field and near the road, on the ruins of Chalmette's estab- 
lishment, from which they maintained a continuous fire 
during and after the advance of the storming parties. 
Morris', Crawley's, You's and Bluche's batteries gave 
their particular attention to these batteries, and suc- 
ceeded in silencing them shortly after the general retro- 
grade movement of the British lines. In the swamp, 
on the extreme right, the British had thrown out a 
detachment of skirmishers under Lieut. Colonel Jones 
of the 4th. These succeeded in getting quite near 
Coffee's men, but becoming mired, were either killed or 
captured by the Tennesseeans, who astonished the 
Britons by the squirrel-like agility with which they 
jumped from log to log, and their alligator-like facility 
of moving through the water, bushes and mud. Some 
of the prisoners taken in the swamp were of the West 
India Regiment, who were greatly comforted in their 
forlorn position by the idea that they were captives of 
men of their own color and blood, deceived by the 



34:0 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

appearance of the Tennesseeans, who, from their con- 
stant exposure, their familiarity with gunpowder, and 
their long unacquaintance with the razor, or any other 
implement of the toilette, were certainly not fair repre- 
sentatives of the pure Caucasian race. The unfortunate 
red-coated Africans soon discovered their error, when 
they were required by their facetious captors to " dance 
juba" in mud a foot deep. 

It was eight o'clock— two hours since the action com- 
menced — before the musketry ceased firing. As long 
as there was a British soldier visible, though at a dis- 
tance which rendered it quite futile to endeavor to 
reach him with musket or rifle, a cartridge would be 
wasted in the vain attempt. At last the order was 
passed down the lines to " cease firing," and the men, 
panting with fatigue and excitement, rested on their 
arms. At this moment Jackson, who during the whole 
action, had occupied a prominent position near the right 
of Plaudit's battalion, where he could command a view 
of the whole entrenchment, now passed slowly down 
the lines, accompanied by his staff, halting about the 
centre of each command, and addressing to its com- 
mander and the men, words of praise and grateful com- 
mendation. His feeble body now stood erect, and his 
face, relaxing its usual sternness, glowed with the fire 
of a proud victor in the noblest of all causes, the 
defence of his country's flag, the protection of the lives, 
the property, and honor of a free people. And as he 
passed, the band struck up " Hail Columbia," and the 
whole line, now for the flrst time facing to the rear, 
burst forth into loud and prolonged hurras to the Chief, 
by whose indomitable heroism and energy they had 
been enabled to inflict so awful a punishment upon the 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 



311 



enemy, who had invaded their homes and sought to dis- 
honor their flag. But these notes of exultation died 
away into sighs of pity, and exclamations of horror and 
commiseration, as soon as the artillery, which had kept 
up the fire at intervals after the musketry ceased, being 
silenced, the smoke, ascending from the field, revealed 
a spectacle which sent a thrill of horror along that 
whole line of exultant victors. The bright column and 
long red lines of a splendid army, which occupied the 
field where it was last visible to the Americans, had 
disappeared as if by some supernatural agency. Save 
the hundreds of miserable creatures who rolled over the 
field in agony, or crawled and dragged their shattered 
limbs over the muddy plain, not a living foe could be 
seen by the naked eye. The commanders, with their 
telescopes, succeeded, with some difficulty, in discover- 
ing, far in the rear, a faint red line, which indicated the 
position of General Lambert, with his reserve, stationed 
in a ditch, in what that officer designated in his dis- 
patch, a supine position, meaning that the men, after 
getting into the ditch, which covered them to the waist, 
leaned over flat on their faces, and thus escaped the 
cannon-balls of the Americans. These were the only 
live objects visible in the field, but with the dead it was 
so thickly strewn, that from the American ditch you 
could have walked a quarter of a mile to the front on 
the bodies of the killed and disabled. The space in 
front of Carroll's position, for an extent of two hundred 
yards, was literally covered with the slain. The course 
of the column could be distinctly traced in the broad, 
red line of the victims of the terrible batteries and 
unerring guns of the Americans. . They fell in their 
tracks : in some places, whole platoons lay together, as 



342 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

if killed by the same discharge. Dressed in their gay 
uniforms, cleanly shaved and attired for the promised 
victory and triumphal entry into the city, these stalwart 
men lay on the gory field, frightful examples of the hor- 
'rors of war. Strangely, indeed, did they contrast with 
those ragged, unshorn, begrimed, and untidy, strange- 
looking, long-haired men, who, crowding the American 
parapet, coolly surveyed and commented upon the ter- 
rible destruction they had caused. There was not a 
private among the slain, whose aspect did not present 
more of the pomp and circumstance of war, than any 
of the commanders of the victors. In the ditch there 
were no less than forty dead, and at least a hundred 
who were wounded, or who had thrown themselves 
into it for shelter. On the edge of the woods there 
were many, wdio, being slightly wounded, or unable to 
reach the rear, had concealed themselves under the 
brush and in the trees. It was pitiable, indeed, to see 
the writhings of the disabled and mutilated, and to hear 
their terrible cries for help and water, which arose from 
every quarter of the plain. As this scene of death, 
desolation, bloodshed and suffering, came into full view 
of the American lines, a profound and melancholy 
silence' pervaded the victorious army. No sounds of 
exultation or rejoicing were now heard. Pity and sym- 
pathy had succeeded to the boisterous and savage 
feelings which a few minutes before had possessed their 
souls. They saw no longer the presumptuous, daring, 
and insolent invader, who had come four thousand 
miles to lay waste a peaceful country ; they forgot their 
own Buffering and losses, and the barbarian threats of 
the enemy, and now only perceived humanity, fellow- 
creatures in their own form, reduced to the most help- 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 343 

less, miserable, and pitiable of all conditions of suffering, 
desolation and distress. Prompted by tliis motive, 
many of the Americans stole without leave from their 
positions, and with their canteens proceeded to assuage 
the thirst and render other assistance to the wounded. 
The latter, and those who were captured in the ditch, 
were led into the lines, where the wounded received 
prompt attention from Jackson's medical staff. Many 
of the Americans carried their disabled enemies into 
the camp on their backs, as the pious Eneas bore his 
feeble parent from burning Troy. Some of the British 
soldiers in the ditch, not understanding the language of 
the free men of color who went to their assistance, and 
thinking that their only object w T as to murder or rob, 
fired upon them. This at least is their only apology for 
conduct, which was regarded as very atrocious, and 
produced considerable excitement in the American 
lines. The Americans thus killed and wounded were 
unarmed, and were engaged in the duty of the good 
Samaritan, attending the wounded and relieving the 
distressed. It has been charged that they were fired 
upon by order of the British officers, out of chagrin and 
mortification for their defeat. If this be true, it is a 
pity that the names of such officers could not be known, 
that they might be separated from those whose conduct 
throughout the campaign proved them to be honorable 
and gallant soldiers, and high-toned gentlemen. In this 
manner several Americans were killed and wounded. 
Indeed more casualties occurred to the Americans after 
the battle than in the principal action. The British 
evidently mistook the humane purposes of the Ameri- 
cans, and even when there was no other alternative, 



344 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

manifested a disposition to resist capture. One officer, 
who was slightly wounded, declined surrendering to 
one of the Tennesseeans, whose appearance was not 
very impressive, and disregarding his call, was walking 
off, when the Tennesseean, drawing bead on him, cried 
out, " Halt, Mr. Ked Coat : one more step and I'll drill 
a hole through your leather;" whereupon the officer 
surrendered — exclaiming at the same time, "What a 
disgrace for a British officer to have to surrender to a 
chimney-sweep !" 

Of course there was a general desire among the 
Americans to procure some lawful trophy — some 
memento of their great victory ; and many of the men 
wandered over the field in pursuit thereof. They were 
<prite successful in securing many such mementoes, 
among which were the field glass of Packenham, and 
an elegant sword, believed to be Packenham's, but 
which was afterwards claimed by General Keane, and 
delivered to him by order of Jackson. Packenham's 
glass was identified, and remained in the possession of 
Colonel, afterwards General, Garrique Pleaujac, who 
commanded one of the batteries on the left. The trum- 
pets ,of Gibbs and Keane were also picked up on the 
field, and became the property of Coffee's brigade. At 
least a thousand stand of arms were gathered by the 
Americans from the scene of the slaughter. The prison- 
ers and wounded being now collected within the lines, 
were placed in carts or formed into detachments to be 
sent up to the city. Every attention was given to their 
relief and comfort. Many of the prisoners seemed not 
at all disheartened by their capture, but indeed gave 
manifestations of joy and satisfaction, especially the 



THE BATTLE OF NEW OELEANS. 345 

Irish, who declared that they did not know whither 
they were bound when they left the old country — that 
they never wanted to fight the Americans. 

" Why, then," asked some of the American guard, "did 
you march up so boldly to our lines, in face of such a 
fire V " And 'faith were we not obliged, with the offi- 
cers behind, sticking and stabbing us with their swords." 
There were unmistakable proofs of the truth of this 
remark on the bodies of many of the men, whose clothes 
and flesh were cut evidently with sharp instruments. 

Some distance in the rear of Jackson's lines, the 
greater part of the adult population of New Orleans, 
not connected with the army, were gathered in anxious 
suspense, observing the progress of the battle, and 
receiving with the most greedy zest and intense anxi- 
ety, every fact or rumor, which passed from the front 
to the rear sentinels. Far towards the swamp a num- 
ber of boys, eager to see what was going on, climbed 
the trees, and thus commanded a distant, but rather 
confused view of the battle. When the guns ceased 
firing, and after the terrific tumult of the battle, which 
could be distinctly heard far to the rear, and even in 
the city, had settled into silence and quiet, only broken 
by the loud hurras of the Americans, the anxious spec- 
tators and listeners in the rear, quickly comprehending 
the glorious result, caught up the sounds of exultation 
and echoed them along the banks of the river, until the 
glad tidings reached the city, sent a thrill of joy through- 
out its limits, and brought the whole population into 
the streets to give full vent to their extravagant joy. 
The streets resounded with hurras. The only military 
force in the city, the veterans, under their indefatigable 
commander, the noble old patriot soldier, Captain De 

15* 



346 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Buys, hastily assembled, and with a drum and fife 
paraded the streets amid the salutes and hurras of the 
people, the waving of the snowy handkerchiefs of the 
ladies, and the boundless exultation and noisy joy of the 
juveniles. Every minute brought forth some new proof 
of the great and glorious victory. First, there came a 
messenger, whose horse had been severely taxed, who 
inquired for the residences of the physicians of the city, 
and dashed madly through the streets in pursuit of sur- 
geons and apothecaries. All of the profession, whether 
in practice or not, were required to proceed to the lines, 
as their services were needed immediately. "For 
whom ?" was the question which agitated the bosom of 
many an anxious parent and devoted wife, and for a 
moment clouded and checked the general hilarity. 
Soon it was known, however, that this demand for sur- 
geons was on account of the enemy. All who possessed 
any knowledge of the curative art, who could amputate 
or set a limb, or take up an artery, hurried to the camp. 
Kext there came up a message from the camp to dis- 
patch all the carts and other vehicles to the lines. This 
order, too, was fully discussed and commented on by 
the crowd, which gathered in the streets and in all pub- 
lic resorts. But like all Jackson's orders, it was also 
quickly executed. 

It was late in the day before the purpose of this order 
was clearly perceived, as a long and melancholy pro- 
cession of these carts, followed by a crowd of men, was 
seen slowly and silently wending their way along the 
levee from the field of battle. They contained the Bri- 
tish wounded ; and those who followed in the rear were 
the prisoners in charge of a detachment of Carroll's 
men. Emulating the magnanimity of the army, the 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 347 

citizens pressed forward to tender their aid to their 
wounded enemies. The hospitals being all crowded 
with their own sick and wounded, these unfortunate 
victims of English ambition were taken in charge by 
the citizens, and by private contributions were sup- 
plied with mattresses and pillows, with a large quantity 
of lint and old linen for dressing their wounds, all of 
which articles were then exceedingly scarce in the city. 
Those far-famed nurses, the quadroon women of New 
Orleans, whose services are so conspicuously useful 
when New Orleans is visited by pestilence, freely gave 
their kind attentions to the wounded British-, and watch- 
ed at their bedsides night and day. Several of the 
officers, who were grievously wounded, were taken to 
private residences of citizens, and there provided with 
every comfort. Such acts as these ennoble humanity, 
and obscure even the horrors and excesses of war. 

From the city the news of Jackson's triumph flew 
rapidly through the neighboring country. It soon reach- 
ed a gloomy detachment which, under Jackson's orders, 
had been condemned to a mortifying and disgusting in- 
activity at the little fort of St. John. Here on the 
shores of the placid Pontchartrain the roar of Jackson's 
batteries, on the morning of the 8th, could be distinctly 
heard. It was known that this was the great attack — 
the last effort of the British. Their absence from the 
scene of such a great crisis, was humiliating beyond all 
expression to the gallant men of this detachment. One 
of them, an officer, the late venerable Nicholas Sinnott, 
a stalwart and determined veteran, who had wielded a 
pike at Vinegar Hill, bore this disappointment with ill 
grace and little philosophy. In the excitement of the 
moment, he could with difficulty be restrained from 



34:8 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

heading a detachment to proceed to the lines, and ex- 
pressed his disgust in words which were not forgotten 
to the. day of his death by his intimate friends and 
associates. "Oh! there are the bloody villains, rnur- 
thering my countrymen, and myself stuck down in this 
infernal mud-hole!" 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 349 



XYH. 

BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 

THE DISASTER. 

[Eighth of January, 1815.] 

The general rejoicing and exultation in the American 
camp, and in the city, which had been interrupted by 
the calls of humanity and the pity excited by the dis- 
asters of the enemy, were destined to receive another 
serious shock, and to be suddenly changed into intense 
anxiety, as the news which had been in the possession 
of the Commander-in-chief from an early hour, leaked 
out, that all had not gone well on the other bank of the 
river, and that the British actually commanded their 
lines, and had advanced to their rear. It may be better 
imagined than described, how profoundly 'the camp was 
agitated by this alarming intelligence. It was but too 
true. The British attack had been as successful on the 
right, as it had been disastrous on the left bank. Jack- 
son might safely say, as Napoleon, with far less truth, 
remarked, when he heard of the defeat of his fleet at 
Trafalgar — " I cannot be everywhere." There can be 
little doubt that if he had commanded on the right 
bank, the only disgrace which sullied the glory of the 
campaign would have been avoided. 



350 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

We Lave seen how Morgan sent forward his advance, 
consisting of less than three hundred ill-armed and 
fatigued men, to occupy a line a mile in front of his 
own — a line stretching from the levee to the swamp — 
which could not have been manned by less than a thou- 
sand men, with several pieces of artillery. Had even 
these three hundred men been sent to the point where the 
British landed, and stationed behind the landing, Thorn- 
ton's crowded boats could not have reached the river's 
bank.* They would have enjoyed the advantage of day- 
light, for it was half-past four when Thornton stepped 
ashore — a mile further down stream than he had calculat- 
ed. His men were formed in columns, just as the rockets, 
ascending on the other bank, announced the commence- 
ment of the attack in that quarter. This landing had been 
effected without the slightest interruption. Covering 
his flank by three gun-boats, each bearing a carronade 
in the bows, under the command of Captain Roberts, 
Thornton pushed rapidly forward up the road, until he 
reached Morgan's advance position. Here, dividing his 
force, he moved a detachment of the 85th against Tes- 
sier's position, while, with the remainder of Lis regi- 
ment, he held the road against Davis. As Thornton 
advanced, Roberts opened his carronades on Davis's 
command. The detachment of the 85th rushed on Tes- 



* In support of this opinion, we need only refer to the fact that the British always 
believed that the success on the right bank was due to their taking the Americans by sur- 
prise. The author of the Campaigns of the British army at Washington and New Orleans, 
says: " Had they (Morgan's men) stood firm, indeed, it is hardly conceivable that so 
small a force could have wrested an entrenched position from numbers so superior; at 
least it could not have been done without much bloodshed. But they were completely 
surprised. An attack on this side was a circumstance of which they had not dreamed; 
and when men are assaulted in a point which they deem beyond the reach of danger, 
it 19 well known that they defend themselves with les3 vigor than when such aa event 
was anticipated." 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 351 

sier's party with great vigor, and put them to flight, 
after firing a few scattering shots. Tessier and his men 
"being on the extreme right, and nnable to reach the road 
before the British had occupied it, were compelled to fly 
into the swamp, where many of them suffered great dis- 
tress, and were unable to reach the camp, in the rear, 
for many hours. Meantime, Thornton, pushing forward 
with his main body, consisting of the 85th, the sailors 
and marines, soon put Davis's weak detachment to flight, 
closely following on their heels. The Kentuckians being 
raw troops, did not, of course, retreat in very good order. 
As they fell back in great confusion upon Morgan's lines, 
the general rode out, and meeting Colonel Davis, directed 
him to form his men within his lines, on the right of the 
Louisiana militia. Davis obeyed the order, but instead 
of the five hundred men Jackson had ordered across the 
river, there were but one hundred and seventy to cover 
lines of three or four hundred yards. These were sta- 
tioned some distance apart, so as to present to the 
enemy rather the appearance of a line of sentinels, thaL 
of a continuous body of troops, to defend a small ditch 
and rude parapet. Insignificant as these works were, 
if Morgan had received the intended reinforcement, he 
would have been able to maintain his position. Instead 
of six hundred, his real force, he would then have had 
nearly a thousand men and three pieces of artillery. 

There was no lack of courage and determination on 
the part of Morgan and his command. They stood 
firmly at their posts, and prepared to repel the enemy 
with nerve and resolution. 

Thornton, as he gained the open field in front of 
Morgan's works, extended the files of the 85th so as 
to cover the whole field, and with the sailors formed 



352 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

in column on the road and the marines in reserve, 
advanced steadily on Morgan's lines. Lieutenant-Colonel 
Gubbins commanded the 85th, Major Adair the marines, 
and Captain Money the seamen. The bugler sounded 
a shrill and animating charge, and amid a shower of 
rockets under the direction of Major Mitchell of the 
artillery, the British tars rushed forward. They were 
received by a crashing discharge of grape from Philli- 
bert's twelve-pounder and two sixes under adjutant 
John Nixon, of the First Louisiana militia, and gunner, 
James Hosmer and Mr. Batique. The seamen recoiled 
from this fire. There was another and another volley 
from the batteries, which killed and wounded several of 
the seamen. Among the wounded was their gallant 
commander, Captain Money, who had been distinguish- 
ed in the operation in the Chesapeake, and in the attack 
on Washington City. He fell at the head of his men. 
At this the Americans began to hurrah and ply their 
pieces more briskly. But Thornton, seeing the hesita- 
tion and recoil of the seamen, rushed forward with the 
85th, under a fire of musketry from Morgan's lines, and, 
despite a severe wound received by him in the advance, 
succeeding in obliqueing the storming party towards 
the centre of Morgan's line, and strengthening it by a 
division of the 85th under Captain Schaw, whilst two 
other divisions of the 85th advanced briskly against the 
centre and extreme right of Davis's position. Thus 
Thornton, showing a skill and judgment superior to 
that which had been displayed on the left bank, occu- 
pied the whole front of the American lines, while 
Eoberts opened upon the batteries of Morgan's extreme 
left, with his carronades. As Thornton closed upon 
Davis's command, the Kentuckians perceiving that they 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 353 

were about to be hemmed in between two divisions of 
the enemy, one penetrating the centre, and the other 
the extreme right, fired one volley, and then abandon- 
ing their position, began to fall back in great confusion 
towards the road in the rear. 

General Morgan rode to the right, and called out to 
Colonel Davis to halt his men. Davis replied that it 
was impossible. " Sir," exclaimed Morgan, in an angry 
tone, " I have not seen you try." And then, turning to 
the fleeing Kentuckians, he shouted to them — "Halt, 
halt ! men, and resume your position." At the same 
moment Adjutant Stephens, a brave Kentuckian, who 
had been badly wounded, cried out, " Shame, shame ! 
Boys, stand by your general." But the men were 
already panic-stricken and unnerved, and moved rapidly 
and disorderly from the right towards the roads, Mor- 
gan following them on horseback, and endeavoring in 
every way he could to rally them. He succeeded in 
brino-ino- back some of the fugitives, but a shower of 

O O O 7 

rockets falling in their midst revived their alarm, and 
now they scattered, running as fast as they could towards 
Morgan's left. Meantime the Louisiana militia kept up 
a brisk fire on the advancing British, discharging eight 
volleys with considerable effect. But their right being 
now uncovered, the British hastened to rush over the 
ditch, and, scaling the parapet, gained the inside of 
Morgan's lines. The Louisiana troops being now in dan- 
ger of being intercepted — their batteries having dis- 
charged their last cartridge, of which they had but 
twelve, they were compelled also to abandon their posi- 
tion, which they did in tolerable order, and under fire 
of the enemy, after spiking their guns and tumbling 
them into the river. Patterson's battery on the Levee, 



35i JACKSON AND NEW OELEANS. 

some three hundred yards in Morgan's rear, had been 
constructed to operate on the other bank of the river, 
and had been engaged since daylight in an incessant 
fire at the British in front of Jackson's position. See- 
ing that Morgan's lines were forced, Patterson had 
wheeled his guns round so as to command the road, 
when, perceiving Davis's men running in wild disorder, 
right upon his battery so as to cover the advance of the 
British, and General Morgan so vainly striving to rally 
them, the gallant commodore, greatly incensed at his 
countrymen, cried out to the commander of a twelve- 
pounder, which had been brought to bear in that direc- 
tion, to fire his piece into the " d d cowards." The 

midshipman, a half-grown youth, raised the match to 
apply it to the piece, when the order was counter- 
manded ; and the commodore, perceiving that his bat- 
tery was unmasked and exposed, having recovered his 
calmness, directed the guns to be spiked, and the pow- 
der to be thrown into the river. He then abandoned 
his position, and retired by the road, walking with Mr. 
P. D. Shepherd, his volunteer aid, in the rear of his 
men, only thirty in number, and alternately denouncing 
the British and the Kentuckians. Patterson was fol- 
lowed by the Louisiana militia, who fell back in good 
order until they reached the Louisiana, which had been 
moored about three hundred yards behind Patterson's 
battery. The sailors being unable to get her off, the 
militia halted, and by fastening a hawser and foreline, 
succeeded in having her towed out into the stream be- 
yond the reach of the enemy, who would have been too 
happy to destroy this great plague, which had so con 
ti nu ally harassed their camp. Finally, the Louisiana 
militia rallied at Casselard's, and forming on Boisge- 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 355 

vean's canal, prepared to make a stand there. But the 
British never reached this position. After advancing 
in excellent spirits with a full belief that all had gone 
well on the other side of the river, they had barely 
reached Patterson's battery when Colonel Dickson, of 
the artillery, arrived direct from General Lambert, with 
the crushing intelligence of the terrible disasters which 
had crowned their efforts on the left bank. Previous to 
Dickson's arrival, Thornton had been reinforced by 
several companies of sailors and marines, and he felt 
quite strong in his position ; but Dickson now declared 
that it could not be maintained ; and, hurrying back to 
Lambert, so reported ; whereupon orders were trans- 
mitted to Thornton to retire from his position, recross 
the river and join the main body. The execution of 
these various orders consumed a great part of the day. 
Meantime, Jackson, greatly concerned at the state of 
affairs produced by the events on the right bank, busied 
himself in organizing a strong force to throw across the 
river to Morgan's relief. That force was placed under 
the command of General Humbert, who, but for the 
unworthy jealousy of some of the militia officers towards 
a distinguished military hero of foreign origin, would, 
no doubt, have recovered the lost ground, and wiped 
off the disgrace of Morgan's defeat. But the disinclina- 
tion of the American militia to serve under Humbert, 
and their lack of zeal in preparing to execute his orders, 
produced a delay, which was no less mortifying to the 
gallant Frenchman, than unworthy of the Americans, 
who displayed these petty feelings. 

After the wounded in front of Jackson's line had all 
been brought into his camp, and provided with proper 
attendance, the men in Jackson's lines were ordered to 



356 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

resume their position, stand to their arms, and be ready 
to repel another attack. Jackson was not the man to be 
carried away by exultation and joy, so as to neglect the 
necessary precautions to secure his victory. Indeed, he 
was as prudent as heroic. 

About noon on the 8th, several Americans, who had 
advanced some distance in front of the lines, announced 
the approach of a party from the British camp. It con- 
sisted of an officer in full uniform, a trumpeter, and a 
soldier bearing a white flag. The three advanced on the 
levee to a position within three hundred yards of Jack- 
son's lines, when the trumpeter blew a loud blast, and 
the standard-bearer waved the white flag. The whole 
army now gathered on the summit of the parapet, and 
looked on in anxious suspense and curiosity. Jackson 
ordered Major Butler, with two other officers, to proceed 
to the British party, and receive any message it might 
bear. The officer courteously received Major B., and 
delivered him a written communication, which that 
officer hastened to present to General Jackson at his 
head-quarters at Macarte's. The message contained a 
proposition for an armistice, to bury the dead. It was 
signed " Lambert," without any title or designation of 
rank. General Jackson directed Major Butler to state 
to the officer bearing the message that he would be 
happy to treat with the commander-in-chief of the British 
army, but that the signer of the letter had forgotten to 
designate his authority and rank, which was necessary 
before any negotiations could be entered upon. General 
Lambert had erred in thinking that a militia general 
and Indian fighter might be imposed upon by so shallow 
a device, employed to conceal the fact of the death of 
the commander-in-chief. The delegation with the flag 



THE BATTLE OF NEW OELEANS. 357 

of truce returned to the British head-quarters, and in 
half an hour aj3peared again before the American lines, 
with propositions now signed by " John Lambert, Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the British forces." 

The first proposition, as a basis for the armistice, 
offered by Jackson, embodied an admirably sagacious 
stroke of policy. It was on these terms : that although 
hostilities should cease on the left bank, where the dead 
lay unburied until twelve o'clock on the 9th, yet it was 
not to be understood that they should cease on the right 
bank ; but that no reinforcement should be sent across 
by either army until the expiration of that day. Such 
condition produced the expected result ; Lambert asked 
until ten o'clock on the 9th to consider the proposition : 
meantime he sent orders to Thornton to retire. That 
officer, covering the movement by an advance towards 
the American position, set fire to the several saw-mills 
in hiS rear, and after destroying the ammunition and 
stores which he had captured, retired in good order, his 
rear-guard being, however, pressed by an advance party 
of Americans, upon which they kept up a running fire. 
It was dark before Thornton succeeded in crossing the 
river. That night the Americans regained their lines 
on the right bank, and by early morn Patterson had re- 
stored his battery, in a more advantageous position than 
it had previously occupied, announcing the gratifying 
fact to Jackson at daybreak by a discharge of several 
large pieces against the British outposts. 

Disgraceful as the defeat on the right bank was, it is 
due to the Kentuckians, who were the chief actors in the 
affair, to remind the reader of the hard usage to which 
they had been subjected in their long and fatiguing march 



358 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

during the clay, and to their ill-armed condition. 
Whether these facts will be sufficient to acquit them of 
all blame, or to mitigate the censure which has been so 
often and freely bestowed on them for their conduct, 
are questions we feel no desire to discuss. It should not 
be forgotten, however, with what promptitude and self- 
sacrificing patriotism these men had abandoned their dis- 
tant homes, and hurried at an inclement season of the 
year, to the defence of this remote settlement. It is 
hardly conceivable that such men should be faithless to 
duty and honor, and the conclusion that their retreat was 
an unavoidable necessity, is more reasonable as well as 
more consonant to the pride and feelings of Americans. 

The Americans achieved glory enough that day, to 
bear with equanimity the slight mortification inflicted 
by this event. 

To complete our narrative — not to aggravate the shame 
of this disaster — it is necessary to state that Morgan lost 
but one man killed and five wounded. The British loss 
was much more serious. The 85th had two killed and 
thirty -nine wounded, including their colonel ; and the 
sailors and marines had four killed and forty-nine 
wounded, including Captain Money. Several of the 
wounded died before the detachment re-crossed the 
river. The dead were buried in the plain in front of 
Morgan's lines. 

It was in this action that the British acquired the 
trophy which is their sole record of their achievements 
on this day. It is a small flag which now hangs amid 
the trophies of the Peninsular war in Whitehall, Lon- 
don, with this description : " Taken at the battle of New 
Orleans, January 8, 1815. " There is as much appro- 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 359 

priateness in such a record, as there would be in the 
French arraying in public a British regimental standard 
captured at Waterloo ! 

General Lambert having consented to Jackson's pro- 
positions, early in the morning of the 9th a line was 
staked off, about three hundred yards from the Ameri- 
can intrenchment, and detachments of soldiers marched 
from both camps, who were stationed near this line, but 
a few feet apart, to carry out the object of the armistice, 
to wit, the burial of the dead. The dead bodies, which 
were strewn so thickly over the field, were then brought 
by the Americans to the lines, where they were received 
by the British and borne to a designated spot on Bien- 
venu's, which had been marked off as the cemetery of 
" the Army of Louisiana." In carrying the dead the 
Americans used the clumsy and unwieldy ladders 
intended by the British to be employed in scaling the 
American parapet. Many British officers assembled to 
witness the ceremony. It was to them one of deep 
mortification and sorrow. These feelings were increased 
by the presence of several American officers, whose 
natural sang froid was misinterpreted into untimely 
exultation. This misconception led the British officer, 
from whom we have already derived so much informa- 
tion relative to this campaign, into the following burst 
of feeling : 

" An American officer stood by, smoking a cigar, and 
apparently counting the slain, with a look of savage 
exultation, and repeating, over and over, to each 
individual that approached him, that their loss 
amounted to eight men killed and fourteen wounded. 
I confess that when I beheld the scene I hung down my 
head, half in sorrow and half in anger. With my offi- 



360 JACKSON AND NEW OELEANS. 

cious informant I had every inclination to pick a quar- 
rel ; but lie was on duty, and an armistice existed, both 
of which forbade the measure. I could not, however, 
stand by and repress my choler ; and since to give it 
vent would have subjected me to a more serious incon- 
venience than a mere duel, I turned my horse's head 
and galloped back to the camp." The bearing of Gene- 
ral Lambert's secretary, Major IT. C. Smith, of the 95th 
rifles, who met a soldier's death at Waterloo, was more 
manly and philosophic, if less honest and sincere. 
Entering into a conversation with Captain Maunsel 
White, who now survives, a respected and honored 
planter and patriot, living on his magnificent estate 
(Deerange), in the parish of Plaquemines, Major Smith 
coolly remarked, looking very calmly upon the acres of 
dead around him: " O ! it is a mere skirmish — a mere 
skirmish !" u One more such skirmish," replied Cap- 
tain White, " and devilish few of you will ever get 
back home to tell the story." 

The bodies of the officers were first delivered to the 
British. Those of Colonel Kennie, Major Whittaker, 
Captain Henry, and Majors Wilkinson and King, being 
familiar to both officers and men, were received with 
sorrowful and tearful silence. They were chiefs and 
heroes in the army, who left behind no superiors in that 
band of veterans, who had signalized their valor in 
many combats, and were ever amongst the foremost in 
all perilous enterprises. Rennie was particularly 
lamented, for throughout the operations on the Chesa- 
peake and in Louisiana, he had proved to be the most 
efficient light infantry officer next to Thornton in the 
army. The dead officers were carried to headquarters, 
and such as had friends to attend to the sacred duties of 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 361 

securing them a Christian burial were interred at night, 
in Yillere's garden, by the light of torches, with appro- 
priate religious ceremonies. Others were disembow- 
eled, and their bodies deposited in casks of rum, to be 
carried to England. Such was the disposition of the 
bodies of Packenham and Gibbs, and, we believe, of 
Colonels Dale and Rennie.* But the remainder of the 
dead, including hundreds of officers and men, were 
hastily and imperfectly buried in the rear of Bienvenu's 
plantation. The spot thus consecrated has never been 
invaded by the plough or the spade, but is regarded to 
this clay with awe and respect by the superstitious Afri- 
cans, and is now occupied by a grove of stunted cypress, 
strikingly commemorative of the disasters of this ill- 
fated expedition. 

In estimating the loss of the British in this disastrous 
affair, we are met by several conflicting statements. 
Between these various estimates it is not, however, diffi- 
cult to form an approximate calculation, which will not 
fall far short of the reality. That estimate will show 
that the loss sustained in the attack on the left bank of 
the Mississippi was the severest ever sustained in any 
battle by the British army. Deducting the reserve, 
Lambert's, which was not under fire, the 14th dragoons, 
who guarded the camp and hospital, and Thornton's 
command, there could not have been more than six 
thousand men engaged in the attack on Jackson's lines. 
Of these, according to the estimate of Colonel Hayne, 
who was designated by Jackson for this duty, there 
were at least 2,600 placed hors de combat, to wit : 

* The tree, a noble Pecan, under which the viscera of Packenham were burled, still 
stands in the yard of Villerd's, the subject of a superstition much cherished by th« 
Creoles, that ever since that occurrence it has ceased to bear fruit. 

16 



362 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Killed 700 

Wounded 1400 

Prisoners 500 

The British reports do not vary essentially from this 
report, except in the statement of the killed, which, in 
the regular (British) returns, only embrace those who 
were killed on the field, and not those who died shortly 
after being carried off. 

Their report is as follows : 



Staff. Killed. 

Generals 2 

Brigadier Major, 1 

Deputy Ass. Qr. M. G 

Fourth Foot. 

Commissioned Officers, .... 2 

Men 40 

Seventh Foot. 

Officers 2 

Men 39 

TVenty-Fikst Foot. 

Officers 3 

Men 67 

FoKTY-TniRD Foot. 

Officers 2 

Men 11 

FORTT-FOTTKTH FOOT. 

Officers 2 

Men 33 

Ninety-Third Foot (Highlan- 
ders). 

Officers 3 

Men 60 



Carry over, 267 1053 481 1803 



Wounded. 


Missing. 


Total 


1 





3 


1 





2 


1 





1 


24 


1 


27 


234 


53 


327 


4 





6 


49 





88 


4 


9 


16 


153 


227 


449 


2 

40 


• 1 
5 


5 

56 


9 


1 


12 


154 


79 


266 


9 


3 


15 


368 


102 


530 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 363 

Killed. Wounded. Missing. Total. 

Brought forward, ....267 1053 481 1803 
Ninety-Fifth Foot (Rifles). 

Officers 7 7 

Men 11 94 105 

Fikst and Fifth West India 
Regiments. 

Officers 5 5 

Men 5 19 1 25 

Total casualties of British on 

left bank 283 1178 482 1845 

On the right bank the loss was as follows : 

THIETT-FlFTH FOOT. Killed. Wounded. Missing. Total. 

Officers 2 2 

Men 2 39 1 42 

Royal Marines. 

Officers 8 3 . 

Men 2 13 15 

Royal Navy. 

Officers 2 2 

Men 2 18 20 

Total casualties on right bank, 8 77 1 84 

Grand total of the British loss on the 8th of January, 
1815: 

Killed. Wounded. Missing. Total. 

On the left bank . 283 1178 482 1845 

On the right bank 8 77 1 84 

Grand Total 291 1255 483 1929 



Of the officers killed, there were two Generals — 
Packenliam, Lieutenant General, and Gibbs, Major 



364 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

General ; three Colonels and Lieutenant Colonels — Dale, 
T. Jones, and Rennie ; three Majors — Wilkinson, Bri- 
gade Major, King, and J. A. Whittaker ; three Cap- 
tains — Henry, Hichins, and Muirhead ; four Lieuten- 
ants and Ensigns — Crowe, Donald McDonald, Davies, 
and McLorkey. Of the wounded, there was one Major 
General — Keane ; one Deputy Quarter-master Gene- 
ral — Delacy Evans; five Colonels and Lieutenant 
Colonels — Brooke, Faunce, Patterson, Thornton, and 
Debbieg: all but the first and last being severely 
wounded; three Majors — Brigade Major Shaw, slight- 
ly ; Williamson and Ross, severely. Captains Flet- 
cher, Erskine, Page, Ryan, Boulger, McKenzie, 
Ellis, Travers, Isles, Money (Navy), severely ; and 
Craig, Elliot, and Mullens slightly, thirteen. Lieuten- 
ants and Ensigns — Brooke, Martin, Richardson, Squire, 
Farrington, Marshall, Andrews, Benwell, Higgins, 
*Waters, Geddes, Meyricke, D. Campbell, Smith, Brush, 
Philan, W. Jones, White, Hayden, Donaldson, Ur- 
quhart, Gordon, Hay, Reynolds, Sir J. Ribton, Gosset, 
Blackhouse, Barker, McDonald, Morgan, Pelkington, 
and Wilson, severely, thirty-two ; Ellis, Parnal, Hop- 
kins, Salvin, Boully, Hearn, Gerard, Fernandez, New- 
ton, Richardson, Lorentz, McLean, Spark, McPherson, 
Elliott and Morgan (Marines), Millar, slightly, seventeen ; 
Total lieutenants and ensigns wounded, forty-nine. Of 
the missing, there was — Major McAfie, one ; Captains 
Kidd, Simpson (severely wounded, and taken prisoner), 
and Brady, Lieutenants Lavack, Carr, Quinn, Munro, 
McDonald, and Graves, seven — all severely wounded 
and taken prisoners ; and Stewart, Armstrong, Fon- 
blanque, Knight, and B. Johnson, five — captured with- 
out being wounded. 



THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 365 

Grand total of officers killed and wounded : 

Killed. 

Generals 2 

Colonels and Lieutenant Colonels, 3 

Majors 3 

Captains 3 

Lieutenants and Ensigns 5 

Wounded. 

Severely. Slightly. 

Major General 1 

Deputy Quarter-master General 1 

Colonels and Lieutenant Colonels 3 2 

Majors 2 1 

Captains 10 3 

Lieutenants and Ensigns 32 17 

Midshipman 1 

Severely Wounded. Missing. 

Captains 2 

Major 1 

Lieutenants 6 5 

Considering the number of the wounded who after- 
wards died, the total of mortality in this battle has been 
estimated, by competent judges, at one thousand men. 
Colonel Maunsel White, now a survivor of the war, with 
another officer, counted the British dead on the field : 
they were* 356 ; and he thinks there must have been 
others in the swamp. The Adjutant of the 93d, Mr. 
Graves, who was found on the field, badly wounded, 
was taken charge of by Colonel (then captain) White, 
and attended by him during his confinement in the 
city, now resides in Brooklyn, E". Y. He states that the 
93d mustered, on the morning of the 8th, one thousand 



366 JACKSON AND NEW OELEANS. 

men and twenty-four officers, and that after they had 
retreated from the attack, and were collected in the 
rear, there were ten or twelve officers and one hundred 
and thirty men ! 

The Americans lost in their lines but two men killed ; 
they were shot on the left — one through the neck and 
the other through the head. There were two others 
killed in the redoubt on the right. The others, making 
in all eight killed, lost their lives in the swamp by 
unnecessarily exposing themselves ; or were shot after 
the action by the British soldiers who were concealed 
in the ditch, or in the bushes near the swamp. The 
aggregate loss was eight killed and thirteen wounded, 
which number, compared with that of the British, 
exhibits a disparity without a parallel in ancient or 
modern warfare. 



'CLOSING INCIDENTS. 367 



XVILL 

CLOSING INCIDENTS. 

Our task is nearly finished. The great battle has 
been fought. The dead have been buried, and gloom 
and silence have settled over that field, now for 
ever classic in American history. In sorrow, misery, 
shame, and dejection, the British have withdrawn 
further off from the scene of the most dismal disaster 
their arms ever encountered. Every house for miles 
along the river is occupied with their wounded, and the 
labors of their surgeons are incessant and herculean. 
But worse even than wounds, physical agony and sick- 
ness, is that torment of "the mind diseased," for which 
there is no minister — the consciousness of defeat and 
disgrace, that has entered the soul of those hitherto vic- 
torious veterans. These feelings alternately prostrate 
their victims into a deep silent gloom, or break out in 
fierce and fiery denunciation of those, whom their pas- 
sions selected as the scape-goats of their disgrace. The 
poor 44th came in for the chief share of the maledic- 
tions. It had failed in its duty — it had not brought up 
the ladders and fascines. And even when the heroic 
Packenham at last took the regiment out of the hands 
of its imbecile colonel, it had flinched. So great was 
this indignation, that the other regiments would not 



368 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

associate with any officer or private, wearing the uni- 
form of the 44th. Was this just or honorable ? That 
Colonel Mullens should have obeyed, at all sacrifices, 
the order given to him, there can be no question ; but 
his disobedience was not even a cause, much less a 
prominent one, of their defeat. The order was neither 
a just, nor a wise one. To require a whole regiment to 
stack its arms and bear ladders for the rest of the com- 
mand, was unusual and inequitable. This duty ought 
to have been imposed upon detachments from the 
various corps, as the forlorn hope is organized. But, of 
what avail would have been the prompt execution of 
this order? The ladders and fascines were not necessary 
to pass the paltry ditch, and scale the insignificant para- 
pet of the Americans. A robust man could nearly have 
leaped from the field to the mound, behind which the 
Americans stood. The British must have imagined 
that they had high walls to mount, like those of Bada- 
joz and St. Sebastian. Their great difficulty was to 
reach the ditch ; they could never have used their lad- 
ders and fascines, if, instead of the 44th, every private 
in their army had borne them. They were shot down 
before reaching the ditch. The fascines and ladders 
only impeded and harassed them. With their heavy 
knapsacks, these unwieldy articles only made them 
"surer game" for the Tennessee marksmen. Colonel 
Mullens and the 44th were not,- therefore, the cause of 
their repulse. The true cause was the skillfulness and 
steadiness of the American militia, in the use of fire- 
arms. Such was the sagacious conclusion of an eminent 
French soldier, who visited this field many years after. 
It was the Marshal Count Bertrand Clausel, the same 
who had commanded the French division at Salamanca, 






CLOSING INCIDENTS. 



369 



which Packenham had routed. Settling in Mobile, 
Alabama, this distinguished soldier, who had figured so 
conspicuously on so prominent an arena — who had com- 
manded at Bordeaux during the Hundred Days, and to 
whom the Duchess of Angouleme surrendered as a pri- 
soner — now, with the characteristic philosophy of 
Frenchmen, became an humble gardener, who furnished 
the market of Mobile with vegetables, driving his cart 
himself. Conceiving a desire to behold the field of the 
defeat and death of his old and victorious foe, he 
visited New Orleans in 1820, in company with the cele- 
brated Count Desnoettes, Napoleon's faithful companion 
in the retreat from Moscow — the same whom the Empe- 
ror selected, on his affecting parting at Fontainebleau, as 
the dearest of all his friends. These gallant and distin- 
guished Frenchmen being escorted to the battle-field of 
the 8th of January, 1815, by some of their countrymen, 
who had participated in that affair, were greatly puzzled 
to know how such good soldiers as the English could be 
repulsed by so weak a force from such trifling fortifica- 
tions. "Ah!" exclaimed Marshal Clausei,* after some 
moments of reflection, "I see how it all happened. 
"W hen these Americans go into battle, they forget that 
they are not hunting deer or shooting turkeys and try 
never to throw away a shot." And there was the whole 
secret of the defeat, which the British have ascribed to 
so many different causes. It is the agility with which 
the Americans wield every species of firearm, and the 
habit of cool, steadv aim, which renders them so 



* Marshal Clausei was restored to his position in the army by Louis Philippe and 
became Governor of Algeria, and was the commander and military instructor of Gene- 
ral Canrobert, the French commander In the operations before Sebastopol. 

16* 



370 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

destructive in battles, where they are not restrained or 
confused by any military manoeuvre or exigency. 

It is no part of our design to give all the details of the 
events which followed the battle of the 8th ; nor shall 
we turn aside to engage in those unprofitable discus- 
sions, growing out of subsequent events, to which some 
writers and jDoliticians have assigned prominent places 
in this drama. They will be barely glanced at. 

The British were not left long to their gloomy reflec- 
tions and bad passions. The American batteries again 
resumed their tasks of incessantly annoying the hostile 
camp, firing at every knot of men that could be dis- 
cerned in the British camp, and keeping their sentinels 
and outposts constantly on the guard, dodging and 
clucking as the balls flew around them. Prominent 
among those who were most active and earnest in this 
annoyance to the British, was Commodore Patterson, 
who relieved himself of the disgust and indignation, 
which had been created in his bosom, by an uninter- 
rupted fire at the British camp from a new battery he 
had thrown up in advance of Morgan's position. 

Save these regular and customary salutes of the Bri- 
tish camp by the various batteries on both sides of the 
river, nothing of great interest occurred until the 11th, 
when the curiosity of the Americans was excited by the 
distant rumbling of artillery far down the river. It 
was soon understood that this was the expected attack 
on Fort St. Philip, a fortification on the left bank of the 
Mississippi, about eighty miles below the city, and some 
thirty from the mouth of the river. The fort, which 
was a rude, irregular work, stood in a bend of the river, 
so as to have a long sweep above and below it. It was 
surrounded by an impenetrable morass, and on the 



CLOSING INCIDENTS. 371 

lower side by the Bayou Mardi Gras. There were 
twenty-nine guns mounted in the fort, of which there 
were two thirty-twos, established in the curtain of the 
fort on a level with the river. The others were twenty- 
fours, one thirteen inch mortar, and several howitzers. 
The fort had been in preparation some months before. 
Jackson visited it in December, perceived its vast 
importance and great strength, and gave orders to have 
certain additions made to it. Several detachments of 
troops were sent down to reinforce the garrison. A 
number of negroes were employed to bring in timbers 
and perform other work necessary to the solidity and 
strength of the fort. 

Among other sagacious preparations, the magazine 
was completely disguised, and several smaller ones 
established in various places. The garrison consisted of 
two companies of United States artillery, 117, under 
Captains Wolstoncraft, Murray, and Walsh ; two com- 
panies of the 7th infantry, 163, under Captains Brontin 
and AYaide; Lagan's Louisiana Volunteers, 54; and 
Listeau's free men of color, 30 ; in all 366. To these 
are to be added the crew of gun-boat ISTo. 8, which had 
been hauled into the Bayou. The whole force made 
406 effective men under that staunch and able officer, 
Major Overton, of the rifle corps. Below, a guard was 
established to watch and announce the approach of the 
enemy. 

It manifests a palpable want of combination and 
military skill in the British generals, that their plan of 
advance upon the city was not so arranged as to secure 
possession of the river before their laud troops occupied 
its banks. It ought to have occurred to them that their 
flank would be exposed in case the Americans had com- 



372 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

mand of the river, as they must necessarily have vessels 
which could be easily converted into floating batteries, 
to harass and impede, if not to arrest, their advance. 
This error was brought home to them very painfully by 
the sudden and destructive volley fired into their camp 
on the night of the 23d by the Carolina. Whether 
orders had been issued to the vessels, which undertook 
to ascend the river to cooperate with the army, or they 
w T ere proceeding on their own account, we are unable to 
say. But it is certainly true that these vessels did 
not appear off the Balize, where the British had pre- 
viously established themselves, until the 8th, and did 
not come within sight of the obstacle to their progress 
up the stream, until noon of the 9th. Overton's guard- 
boat hastened to announce their arrival to the Fort. 
Hie vessels consisted of two bomb-ships, the Herald 
sloop-of-war, the Sophia, a brig, and a tender. Small 
as this squadron was, had it arrived at Packenham's 
camp and in time to cooperate in the attack on Jackson's 
line, or even if it had arrived after that event, and 
before the evacuation by the British, the consequences 
might have been very serious to the American arms. 
But they were not destined to surmount so easily the 
obstacle in their path. • Overton prepared to give them 
a warm reception. Cunningham, of the gun-boat, with 
his sailors, took command of the 32's ; Walsh com- 
manded the right bastion ; Wolstoncraft the centre, and 
Murray the left; the infantry under Brontin stood in 
the rear of the curtain to support the batteries, and act 
as occasion might require. At three p. m. the bomb- 
vessels, approaching within a mile and a half of the 
Fort, as if to sound the left battery, opened on them ; 
they then retired beyond the range of the Fort's guns, 



CLOSING INCIDENTS. 373 

and anchoring behind a point of land 3760 yards from 
the Fort, turned broadsides towards it, and running up 
their flags, commenced the action. Their first shell fell 
short, the next burst over theFort, and the others which 
followed fell into the soft earth, bursting, so deep in the 
ground as to create only a tremulous motion. The ves- 
sels remained some distance below the bombs. The 
bomb-ships threw their shells all night — one shell every 
two minutes — at the fort, but without effect.. At night 
they reconnoitered in small boats, and came so near that 
their men could be heard talking. % The wind was then 
blowing up the river. The garrison w T ere too intent 
upon the vessels to notice these boats. During the 10th 
and 11th the bombardment was continued, the fort firing 
a few shots to keep up the spirits of the men, but 
without effect. On the 11th, the flag-staff was struck 
by several fragments of shell, and the flag was nailed to 
the halyards ; another shell severed them, and down it 
came. An hour was consumed in restoring the flag, 
which was gallantly done by a sailor, over whose head 
several shells burst while sitting on the crosstree, mak- 
ing fast the flag. The contractor's house was mistaken 
for the magazine, and struck, killing one man, and 
wounding another. On the 12th, 13th, and 14th, the 
firing was kept up incessantly, many shells bursting 
over the fort, killing one man, and wounding several 
others, and damaging one of the 32's. The men in the 
fort were busily employed, and much exposed in repair 
ing these damages and strengthening the fort. In the 
meantime, heavy rains fell daily, and the interior of the 
fort was a sheet of water, and the men were constantly 
wet and almost frozen. On the 13th, having received 
shells and ammunition from New Orleans, the fort 



374 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

opened its fire, and threw several shells over the bomb- 
ship. One of these took effect, and created much con- 
fusion on board. But on the 17th, they began to fire at 
the fort with more accuracy, and lodged several shells 
in the parapet, one of which burst in passing through 
the ditch into the angle of the centre of the bastion. 
This was their farewell shot. The next clay at early 
dawn their ships were observed descending the river 
with all sails set. The garrison gave three cheers, and 
fired a volley as a salute to their foiled and mortified 
foe. This bombardment had been incessant from the 
9th to the 18th of January, during which they fired 
1,000 shells, being seventy tons of iron ; and twenty 
thousand pounds of gunpowder, besides small shells. 
The casualties were only two killed and three wounded. 
At least a hundred shells fell within the fort, damaging 
and battering the shops and stores, and tearing up the 
earth within, and for many yards around. 

Here was another able and decisive repulse of the 
British, which constituted an important link in the 
defence of the city, and reflected the highest credit 
upon the garrison and its gallant commander, who, as 
General Overton, long resided in the northwestern part 
of Louisiana, one of its most esteemed and honored 
citizens. There were other detached operations, which 
were attended by a like success. 

Purser Shields, of the Navy, a well-known citizen of 
New Orleans, and Dr. Morrel, an esteemed physician, 
headed a brilliant little affair against the British lines 
of communication on the Lake. It will be remembered, 
that these gentlemen had been sent, after the battle of 
the gun-boats, to the succor of the American wounded, 
who were captured on the occasion. Arriving at the 



CLOSING INCIDENTS. 375 

time the British were preparing to land their troops, the 
Yice- Admiral Cochrane thought proper to detain them 
until the army had executed the design in which it was 
then engaged. These gentlemen protested that they 
had come under a flag of truce, and that their detention 
was a breach of the rules of war. But it was in vain. 
Finally, when the British had been repulsed, they were 
released on the 12th January, and arrived in the 
American camp. During their detention by the 
British, these gentlemen were very badly treated ; their 
flag was not respected; they were robbed of their 
clothes and other property ; they were not permitted to 
see their wounded countrymen ; and the sailors of the 
boat that brought them to the fleet, were compelled to 
work on the British boats. Such conduct was charac- 
teristic of Yice- Admiral Cochrane, who was a rough, 
brutal, and overbearing officer. It may be well con- 
ceived that high-spirited gentlemen like Mr. Shields and 
Dr. Morrel, did not bear very patiently the remem- 
brance of the indignities to which they had been 
subjected in the British fleet. Hence, on their arrival 
in Jackson's camp, they busied themselves in getting 
up an expedition, by which they might obtain some lit- 
tle satisfaction for their injuries, and some compensation 
for their exclusion from the honors and glories of the 
defence of the city. Organizing a little band of volun- 
teers, they proceeded with four boats, one having a 
carronade in its bows, out of the Bayou St. John into 
the Lake, and thence to the fort and encampment at 
Petites Coquilles. Here, being reinforced by two other 
boats, they glided stealthily along the shores of Lake 
Borgne, towards the Kigolets, in pursuit of any stray 
boats of the enemy. On the 20th, they perceived a 



376 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

large barge, full of soldiers, on its way from the Bayou 
Bienvenu, and immediately the boats commenced pur- 
suit. The carronade being brought to bear on the 
barge, she quickly surrendered, the men on board 
throwing their arms into the Lake. It proved to be a 
British barge, having on. board thirty-seven British 
soldiers of the 14th dragoons, under Lieutenant Brydges 
and Cornet Hammond, who were on their way to the 
British squadron. These prisoners were placed in 
charge of iive armed men, and were conducted to the 
American camp at Chef Menteur. Shields and Morrel 
then made another sortie and captured several boats, a 
schooner and sixty-three prisoners, but owing to the 
wind and high currents, their boats became separated, 
and the schooner unmanageable, and their prisoners 
refractory. So tley concluded to set lire to the 
schooner. The fire having attracted the notice of 
the British boats, several of them approached her. 
Shields and Morrel landed near the mouth of the 
Rigolets. The British attempted to cut them off by 
landing a party above them, but Morrel, with a party 
of twenty men, having approached, suddenly opened 
upon them from the high reeds, and after three volleys, 
caused them to leave in haste. Finally, the party 
being in great danger of capture from the British 
boats, which several times attacked them, but were 
beaten off, Dr. Morrel was sent over to Petites 
Coquilles for reinforcements. Shields, left alone with 
the prisoners and a small guard, seeing a gun-boat in 
the distance, bearing up towards him, concluded that 
he would retire, and so discharging his prisoners on 
parole, hurried to meet Morrel and Newman, who were 
preparing to join him with a reinforcement at Petites 



CLOSING INCIDENTS. 371 

Coquilles, where lie arrived safely with twenty-two 
prisoners. The result of this brilliant little enterprise 
shows how much the British could have been annoyed 
if our gun-boats could have got under the fort of Petites 
Coquilles and escaped capture on the 14th December. 
There were other exploits performed by detached par- 
ties, which we are prevented from describing, by the 
apprehension of rendering these sketches too voluminous. 
Their glory and splendor, which, in any less brilliant 
campaign, would have secured high renown to those 
participating in them, are lost in the superior radiance 
of those greater events, that have rendered the Defence 
of New Orleans, in 1814, the most complete and* bril- 
liant campaign in modern history. 

On the 17th January, a cartel for the exchange of 
prisoners having been agreed upon, the 18th was fixed 
for the pleasing ceremony of receiving some of the best 
citizens of New Orleans, whose long detention in the 
British fleet had produced much anxiety among their 
friends. The ceremony was a joyous and exciting one. 
A detachment of Plauche's battalion and the whole of 
Beale's rifles were formed in column, and, preceded by 
the splendid brass band of the volunteers, marched, 
under Captain Eoche, to the line indicated near the 
British outposts ; there they were formed as if for a 
review. Presently the American prisoners were escorted 
by detachment of the British 95th rifles, and the officers 
in command saluting Captain Roche, delivered to him 
a roll of the prisoners, which, being called out, all 
answered to their names. Poche then called out, " For- 
ward, Americans !" and the whole band advanced down 
the line of the battalion under a salute. Open column 
was then formed, and the ex-prisoners being placed in 



378 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

front, the procession marched towards the American 
lines, the band playing a lively air. As they approached 
the lines, there was a simultaneous shout of joy from the 
whole American army, and when they had got within 
the entrenchment, there were hundreds of personal 
friends who rushed forward to embrace and welcome 
them. Most of these ex-prisoners were leading gentle- 
men of the city, who had been captured on the night 
of the 23d. Jackson sent for them, and on their arrival 
at his headquarters, congratulated and complimented 
them in very warm terms. Though it had been a source 
of great mortification to these gallant men, to be absent 
from the army during its great trial, their detention in 
the fleet had been rendered quite tolerable, if not plea- 
sant, by the kindly and courteous conduct of the British 
naval commander of the Royal Oak, on which ship most 
of the prisoners had been detained, and by other naval 
officers. 

We pass over many minor incidents of the campaign, 
in order to approach the great event which relieved 
Louisiana of the presence of the foe that had so long 
desecrated her soil, and threatened her honor and safety. 

After the battle of the eighth, Lambert was not long 
in arriving at the conclusion, that the expedition had 
signally failed, and all that was left to him was to 
collect the fragments of the army and retire as speedily 
as possible, from the scene^bf so many sad disasters and 
painful associations. With this view, he proceeded with 
great prudence and caution, in making the necessary 
arrangements for the withdrawal of the army. As 
scores of his men were daily deserting, he had reason 
to apprehend that his watchful foe would harass his 
retreat, and omit no opportunity to inflict further injury 



CLOSING INCIDENTS? 379 

upon him. To retire as they had come, in boats, was 
impracticable. There were not boats enough, and it 
would not be safe to divide the army in the presence 
of an enemy emboldened by recent victories. To meet 
this exigency, he directed the engineers to extend the 
road, which ran for some distance along the bayou, 
through the swamp to the lake shore, keeping as near 
as possible to the bank of the bayou. 

This was a very severe and difficult task, which 
occupied the engineers and strong working parties for 
nine days. It was finally completed, and an apparently 
tolerable good road was made along the bayou, crossing 
it by bridges of boats from the right to the left bank, 
until it reached an elbow of the bayou, when the road 
took a direct course through the prairie until it termi- 
nated on the lake shore, near the Fishermen's Village. 
This road was made of reeds, made up into bundles, 
and stamped down. But for the continued rains it 
would have been a very good way. At the confluence 
of the Bienvenu and Jumonville, and of the former with 
the Mazant, small works were thrown up to cover the 
retirement of the army. Having completed this road, 
the whole of the wounded, except those which could 
not be removed, were placed in boats ; then all the civil 
officers, the contractors, surveyors, &c, together with 
all the field artillery, stores, &c, followed, and were 
dispatched to the fleet. The large ship-guns were 
spiked, their carriages broken, and then left on the field. 

And, now, all that were left were the infantry. Hav- 
ing relieved himself of all incumbrances, Lambert pre- 
pared, on the night of the 18th, to steal off with his 
army. 

Accordingly, the whole army was silently and steal- 



380 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

thily formed in column, the engineers, sappers and 
miners in front. The camp fires were lighted anew. 
The piquets were all stationed as usual. Each sentinel 
was prepared with a stuffed paddy to place in his stead. 
The piquets were directed to form, as the column 
reached the bayou, into a rear-guard, and follow the 
army. Thus, while darkness covered the field, the 
army took up its line of march, in silence and dread. 
Not a cough or sneeze could be heard in the whole 
column, and even their steps were so planted as to create 
no sound. Thus they proceeded for some distance along 
the bayou in a pretty good road ; but when they began 
to diverge from its banks into the swamp, the continual 
tramping made the road very bad, and the rear of the 
column had to march up to their knees in mud. With 
no other light but the faint twinkle of the stars, this 
fine army which, but a few weeks ago, had advanced 
along the same road so full of pride and hope, now 
stealthily slunk through the dark, damp swamp, full of 
alarm, shivering with cold, and depressed by defeats, 
hunger and exposure. They marched all night, and 
just as the break of day began to relieve the surround- 
ing darkness by a faint glimmer of light, they reached 
the desolate shores of Lake Borgne, and drew up on its 
banks exposed to a keen western wind that came across 
the broad surface of the lake. Nor did their arrival 
here improve the spirits or prospects of the men ; they 
were now sixty miles from the fleet. Suppose, from 
high winds or other causes, the boats should not arrive, 
they might starve there for want of provisions, or from 
cold — for there was no fuel but the dry weed, that 
burnt up like tinder. 

Here the army remained in this desolate situation 



CLOSING INCIDENTS. 381 

until the 27th, when the whole reembarked and finally 
reached the fleet, with a few casualties, and after much 
suffering and distress. 

This retreat was the ablest feature of the campaign, 
and reflects high credit upon the commander of the 
British and the discipline of the army. 

During the campaign, which was thus terminated on 
the part of the British, the Jamaica Gazette contained 
the following article, which was extensively copied 
throughout the States : 

" The British are, no doubt, before this time in possession of New 
Orleans. They have eight thousand regular troops and two thou- 
sand sailors and marines. The enemy's force are the 7th and 44th 
regiments, and 10 or 12,000 militia, who are compelled to serve. 
It is said that General Jackson sent a message to Sir Edward Pack- 
enham, saying that he felt for the awkward predicament into which 
the British army had been brought, and not being desirous to take 
advantage of it, he would allow Sir Edward ten days to reembark 
with the whole of his force. If this offer had been rejected, he 
could not be answerable for the consequences. Sir Edward answered 
in a laconic style, that in ten days he would give him an answer." 

" There is many a truth, that is said in jest." If 
not in the exact terms of this British journal, a mes- 
sage of that import, conveying the idea here expressed, 
was delivered by Jackson, from his lines, on the 8th of 
January 1815. Precisely in ten days thereafter, the 
successor of Packenham gave a very different answer 
from that ascribed to Sir Edward, by withdrawing the 
army from its position, and acting on the sensible hint, 
which proved to be no idle bravado, of the American 
general. 

Early on the morning of the 19th, rumors of the 
retreat of the British began to circulate through the 



382 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

American camp. Officers and men collected in groups 
on the parapet to survey the enemy's camp, and much 
discussion arose as to whether they had really gone, or 
were only " playing possum " — to use a common Ameri- 
can phrase — laying in wait to entice them from their 
entrenchment. Their camp presented pretty much the 
same appearance ; their huts were standing, flags were 
flying, and sentinels were posted. General Jackson and 
his staff surveyed the camp through the powerful teles- 
cope stationed in the window of Macarte's. The general 
was not satisfied that they had gone. His aids were of the 
same opinion. At last the veteran Humbert, was called 
on for his opinion. He took a view through the tele- 
scope, and immediately exclaimed " they are gone !" 
When asked his reason for this belief, he called the 
attention of the general to a crow flying very near to 
one of their sentinels. This showed that they were 
images, stuffed paddies. The whole plot was now un- 
derstood. Jackson ordered a reconnoitering party 
to proceed to the front. "Whilst it was forming, a flag 
of truce was seen approaching the lines. It was borne 
by a medical officer of the British army, who announced 
that he had a letter from General Lambert to General 
Jackson. Eagerly the general broke the seal and pe- 
rused the letter, which was a courteous one, announcing 
that the British army had departed, and their ^com- 
mander-in-chief solicited the kind attentions of General 
Jackson to the sick and wounded, whom, to the number 
of eighty, he was compelled to leave behind. Soon the 
intelligence flew through the camp, and loud hurrahs 
were heard in every direction. But Jackson's vigilance 
was not to be lulled by even this gratifying incident. 
He ordered Colonel Laronde, who understood the coun- 



CLOSING INCIDENTS. 383 

try, to proceed with Colonel Kemper and a detachment 
of Hind's dragoons, and harass the enemy's rear, and 
directed Major Yiller£, with a small party, to scour the 
woods about his father's house. Owing to the precau- 
tions of the British to protect their rear with redoubts, 
these attempts were not productive of any advantage, 
except to warn the too impetuous of the Americans 
from undertaking what so many recommended— the 
pursuit of the enemy by the whole army. Never were 
the sagacity and wisdom of Jackson more conspicuously 
displayed than in checking this impulse of the army. The 
counsel of Themistocles, in the assembly of the Grecian 
chiefs, against destroying the bridge across the Helles- 
pont, so as to cut off the retreat of the discomfited 
army of Xerxes, did not display a profounder wisdom 
than the refusal of Jackson to pursue, with his raw 
troops, a desperate and powerful army like Lambert's. 
It was a sharp reproval of an impetuous young officer, 
who, advocating the pursuit, declared that " if he had 
ten thousand Tennesseeans or Kentuckians, he could 
march into London," " And when you make the at- 
tempt," said Jackson, " I should like to be there to 
command you." 

Dispatching Dr. Kerr, surgeon-general of the army, 
with the British surgeon, to the hospital at Jumonville's, 
Jackson rode forth, accompanied by his aids, to inspect 
the British camp. He found fourteen pieces of large 
cannon left behind, many implements of war, and a 
great quantity of private as well as public property of 
the British army. Yisiting the British officers at their 
hospital, he assured them of his sympathy and of every 
attention, which their condition needed. One of these 
wounded officers was Lieutenant D'Arcy, of the 43d, 



384 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

whose legs were carried away by a cannon ball, some 
days after the 8th. The circumstances of these wounded 
men being made known in the city, a number of ladies 
rode down in their carriages with such articles as were 
deemed essential to the comfort of the unfortunates. 
One of these ladies was a belle of the city, famed 
for her charms of person and mind. Seeing her noble 
philanthropy and devotion to his countrymen, one of the 
British surgeons conceived a warm regard and admira- 
tion which subsequent acquaintance ripened into love. 
This surgeon settled in New Orleans after the war, espous- 
ed the Creole lady, whose acquaintance he had made 
under such interesting circumstances, and became an 
esteemed citizen, and the father of a large family. This 
was the late Dr. J. C. Kerr, recently deceased, whose gal- 
lant son, Victor Kerr, was murdered by the Spanish 
authorities at Havana, in the party of Colonel Critten- 
den, in 1851, uttering as his last words, " I die like a 
Louisianian and a freeman !" 

Jackson now turned his attention to the distribution 
of his troops, so as to command all the approaches of 
the city and guard against the return of the enemy. 
He then prepared to re-enter the city, which in so brief 
a campaign, and by such brilliant courage and wise 
prudence, he had rescued from dishonor and disgrace, 
to receive the homage of a grateful and devoted people. 



THE FINALE. 385 



XIX. 

THE FINALE. 

On the 2Utn of January Jackson entered the city for 
the first time since the 23d of December, when he 
marched forth to meet the enemy. He was received 
with boundless demonstrations of joy. The people at- 
tended him in crowds to his quarters, in the Faubourg 
Marigny, in the fine old Spanish edifice which now 
stands a conspicuous monument of the past. The first 
display of popular feeling was too wild to be controlled 
by any regular method or system. At Jackson's request 
the Abbe Dubourg, Apostolic Prefect of the State of 
Louisiana, appointed the 23d as a day of public thanks- 
giving to the Almighty, for his signal interposition in 
behalf of the safety and honor of the country. That 
day was ushered in by a discharge of artillery, which 
caused many a citizen and soldier to leap from his plea- 
sant couch, under the delusion that it was all a dream, 
that his toil was over and the enemy had really de- 
parted. New Orleans, never before or since, exhibited 
so gay and happy a scene, as*on that bright 23d of 
January, 1815. All the contentions, horrors, sufferings, 
and troubles of the war were forgotten, and a spirit of 
unrestrained happiness, of cordial harmony and good- 
will, pervaded the whole population. 

Fully to appreciate the animation and enthusiasm of 
17 



886 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

that memorable day, it is necessary to listen to the glow 
ing details of the surviving veterans who participated 
in those joyous scenes, and whose declining days are 
constantly made happy by those proud reminiscences. 

The old cathedral was burnished up for the occasion. 
Evergreens decorated the entrance and the interior. The 
Public Square, or Plaza, blazed with beauty, splendor 
and elegance. In its centre stood a graceful triumphal 
arch, supported by six Corinthian columns and festooned 
with evergreens and flowers. Beneath the arch stood two 
young children on pedestals, holding a laurel wreath, 
whilst near them, as if their guardian angels, was a 
bright damsel, representing Liberty, and a more sedate 
one personifying Justice. From the arch to the en- 
trance of the cathedral the loveliest girls of the city 
had been ranged in two rows, to represent the various 
States and Territories. They were dressed in pure 
white, with blue veils and silver stars on their brows. 
Each bore a small flag, inscribed with the name of the 
State she represented, and a small basket trimmed with 
blue ribands and full of flowers. Behind each a shield 
and lance were stuck in the ground, with the name, 
motto and seal of each of the States. The shields were 
linked together with verdant festoons, which extended 
from the arch to the door of the cathedral. 

Precisely at the appointed time, Gen. Jackson ap- 
peared with his staff at the gate of the plaza fronting 
the river. He was received with salvos of artillery. 
Entering the square, he was conducted to the arch, 
where the two little girls, reaching forward with blush- 
ing, smiling faces, placed the laurel wreath on his brow. 
'What a benign smile relieved the sternness of that heroic 
countenance, when the innocent faces of the pretty little 



THE FINALE. 387 

ones arose to his view, as with so much pride and delight 
they performed the high task assigned to them. Who 
would not be stern and heroic in defence of those dear 
ones ? Who would not incur every peril, as well against 
the jealousy and discontent of friends, as against the 
open hostilities of foes, in such a cause ? 

Such were, no doubt, the reflections that passed 
through a mind, which combined in an extraordinary 
degree the strong and tender traits of humanity. And 
now, with the laurel on his brow, amid the enthusiastic 
shouts of the people, he descends 1he stairs of the arch, 
and is met by a lovely young lady, radiant with all the 
charms of Creole beauty — with face, form, manners 
and expression, such as the most aspiring artist might 
have dreamed of as the model for his Venus. Fit repre- 
sentative of Louisiana, this beautiful damsel addresses 
the laureled chief in a speech glowing with gratitude 
and eloquence. All the rigor has faded from that stern 
countenance, and the victorious General humbles him- 
self at the shrine of female beauty and innocence, and 
replies in words that thrill with emotion, that his merits 
have been exalted far, far above their real worth. But 
the modest confession is drowned by a shower of flowers, 
amid which, the Hero, supported by his staff, is led to 
the entrance of the Cathedral. Here he is met by the 
patriotic and revered Abbe Dubourg, clad in pontifical 
robes and supported py a college of priests. The 
reverend gentleman addresses him in a speech of more 
than ordinary eloquence, in which, whilst due praise 
is accorded to the Hero, the ascription of the higher 
glory is given to that Divine Source of all wisdom 
and goodness, by whose inspiration and influence those 
signal services were directed to the salvation of the 



388 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

country and the confusion and defeat of her enemies. 
Jackson replies briefly, tastefully and modestly. He is 
then conducted into the Cathedral and escorted to a 
conspicuous seat near the altar. Te Deum is then 
chanted in the grand and impressive manner in which 
that melodious outburst of gratitude is usually rendered 
by the choirs of the Horn an Catholic church. The 
people join in the noble hymn. The gallant battalion 
d'Orleans guards the entrance of the Cathedral and tills 
the aisles. The war-worn countenances of the young 
Creoles next to the person of the General, are objects of 
warmest regard to the hundreds of mothers, wives, 
sisters and lovers, who crowd the interior of the Cathe- 
dral on this joyful occasion. 

The ceremony being concluded, Jackson retired to 
his quarters. That night the whole city was illuminated. 
At last, the people, wearied by the wild enthusiasm and 
inexhaustible joyfulness of the great event, sunk into 
slumbers that were no longer disturbed by dreams of 
sack, ruin, bloodshed and devastation. And so con- 
cluded the triumphal festivity of New Orleans, which 
had been so miraculously saved from dishonor and 
destruction. 

The next day Jackson resumed his severe cares and 
toils. The enemy had not yet abandoned the shores of 
Louisiana. Even whilst the city resounded with the 
notes of rejoicing and triumph, Qie powerful remnant of 
his army lay shivering on the banks of Lake Borgne. 
Jackson's force was still weak. It is true, troops were 
daily pouring into the city, and the long expected arms, 
sent by the Federal authorities, had arrived. But the 
British, too, had been reinforced. They might attempt 
the attack in another quarter. They had their honor 



THE FINALE. 389 

to redeem, and would be desperate in the attempt. This 
was no time to relax his vigilance and discipline. Mar- 
tial law, which had been so effectual in the preservation 
of the city, must be continued. As an evidence of the 
presence of the enemy in their neighborhood, the fact 
was made known that a detachment, under Hinds, 
Humbert and Latrobe, having gone to reconnoitre the 
British rear, was tired upon, and one man killed. It 
was not, in truth, until the 27th, that all the British 
army had reembarked ; and then they did not leave the 
bays adjacent to New Orleans, but proceeded to Dau- 
phin Island, near the mouth of Mobile Bay, where their 
ships came to anchor, and the troops being landed on 
the island, formed the first regular camp. 

Now ensued the most vexatious and disagreeable task 
of the General, to reconcile the militia to longer deten- 
tion from their homes and families. Flushed with 
victory and pride of their exploits, impatient to rejoin 
their friends and participate in the public rejoicings, 
many of Jackson's army, assigned to the most important 
trusts, manifested a restlessness and disregard of whole- 
some restraint, which it was necessary to check. Mar- 
tial law had been declared on the 15th December. It 
had been the shield and buckler of the city — its pro- 
clamation the clarion which had hushed all discord, and 
called all classes to the common defence. Jackson 
could never have educed such order, energy, harmony 

such complete and glorious results, from the chaos 

in which he found affairs when he arrived in the city, 
except by taking the control entirely in his own hands, 
and thereby quieting the conflicts and divisions between 
the various parties and authorities that had previously 
' claimed to administer the government and police. This 



390 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

declaration of martial law, we have said, had received 
the approbation of the leading official and prominent 
characters of the State. Its necessity and utility need not 
be based, as has erroneously been done, on a suspicion 
of infidelity and treachery among the population and 
officials. Such a suspicion was groundless ; it was the 
offspring of the gross misrepresentation of zealous 
partisans, and of a too easy credulity. No such feel- 
ings had ever entered the hearts of any Louisianians, 
nor of the foreign population then identified with the 
State. But for other reasons and objects this declaration 
of martial law was necessary, in order to produce 
harmony and efficiency in a great emergency, for which 
the ordinary processes and institutions of the constitu 
tion and laws were inadequate. "We need no better 
illustration of its necessity than when, after the repulse 
of the British, some of Jackson's men began to falter, 
and shrink from duties, the importance of which was 
so clearly perceived, and so deeply felt by him, who 
bore the great responsibility of preserving the laurels 
already gained. In extenuation of this impatience, it 
should be remembered that sickness prevailed among 
the militia, and their stations were exceedingly exposed 
and uncomfortable. Murmurs loud and open were 
uttered by them, which were caught up by their over 
anxious friends in the city, and echoed through its 
public resorts ; and several of Jackson's most efficient 
soldiers, Frenchmen who had not become naturalized, 
were induced to claim the protection of their consul; 
and were thus enabled to abandon their posts. They 
were willing and eager to fight, but not to incur the 
more trying duties of the camp. Disgusted and irritated 
by these desertions, Jackson ordered all French citizens 



THE FINALE. 391 

who claimed this exemption, out of the city. This 
order excited some indignation. 

Jackson, who, under the representations of Governor 
Claiborne and others, had been led to suspect the 
fidelity of the Legislature, had incurred the hostility of 
some of its members, who were eager to embrace any 
opportunity of impairing his hold on the popular esteem. 
His apparently harsh measure against the French citi- 
zens was made the pretext for publications which were 
calculated to produce disaffection and ill-feeling in the 
army. Jackson traced one of these publications to 
Mr. Louaillier, a member of the Legislature, and ordered 
him to be arrested, and tried under martial law, for this 
act of mutiny. Louaillier had been a very active and 
useful citizen during the defence of the city, and his 
arrest on that account excited considerable sympathy. 
Application was made for a habeas corpus to Judge 
Hall, of the United States Court, and the application 
being granted, Jackson deemed it a violation of his 
jurisdiction under martial law, and ordered the arrest 
of the Judge. He was accordingly arrested, and con- 
ducted beyond the limits of the city. We content our- 
selves with stating the main facts of these unhappy 
conflicts, without entering into the details, or the dis- 
cussion of the questions of law which have grown out 
of them. 

On the 4th February, Jackson dispatched a commis- 
sion composed of his Aid, Edward Livingston, Captain 
Maunsel White, of the Louisiana Blues, and R. D. Shep- 
herd, Esq., Aid of Commodore Patterson, to the British 
fleet. This mission had several objects. Livingston's 
duties referred to the negotiations of a cartel for a 
further exchange of prisoners, and the return of the 



392 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

slaves of the planters which had been taken away by 
the British army. Captain White being a relative of 
the planters who had lost the largest number of their 
slaves, was authorized to receive them in case they were 
delivered. These gentlemen arrived in the British fleet 
at an inoportune juncture. It was on the 7th February, 
just after General Lambert and Admiral Cochrane had 
commenced their preparations to take Fort Bowyer. 
Admiral Cochrane stated that their visit was an un- 
timely one, bu,t received them courteously on the flag 
ship, the Tonnant, where they remained for several 
days. Quite an agreeable intimacy sprung up between 
these gentlemen and the chiefs of the British army and 
navy, which was marked by many incidents of a highly 
gratifying character to the Americans. One of these 
was the presentation of a sword, which had been found 
on the battle-field, and was claimed by General Keane, 
as the gift of a very dear friend. It was generally 
believed that this was Packenham's sword. The Bri- 
tish prisoners declared that it was the commander-in- 
chief's, and the officers on the occasion of the presenta- 
tion manifested great surprise that it should be claimed 
by Keane. It is well known that Packenham was 
struck in the sword arm some minutes before he received 
his mortal wound, and that when he was advancing 
near the American lines he had no sword, but waved 
his cap in his left hand. Jackson, however, could not 
resist the claim so warmly urged by Keane, and Mr. 
Livingston was instructed to deliver the sword, which 
he did on board of the Tonnant, accompanying the act 
with some appropriate and eloquent allusions to the 
value which a gallant soldier must attach to the weapon 
he had worn so honorably in so many perils and con- 



THE FINALE. 393 

flicts. General Keane responded in handsome terms. 
The hilarity which followed the scene, prompted some 
of the younger officers, who had not been in the action 
of the 8th, to twit, in a familiar manner, the gallant 
General for the very equivocal circumstance, of losing 
his sword in battle. The General, who was as quick- 
witted as brave, promptly replied, " My young friends, 
if you had been where I was on the 8th of January 
last, you would have lost your heads as well as your 
swords." 

In the unrestricted intercourse and conversation, 
which arose between the Americans and the British 
officers, the former ascertained that both the British 
officers and soldiers were exceedingly disgusted with 
the expedition which had terminated so ingloriously — 
that the war was one that did not from the first engage 
their feelings or satisfy their consciences, and that they 
looked to the conclusion of peace between the two 
countries, as an event that would give them unalloyed 
delight and satisfaction. The younger officers consoled 
themselves by dwelling on the sad disappointment of 
the civilians who had come over to administer the civil 
offices of the new colony of Louisiana, and particularly 
the indescribable distress of the unfortunate gentleman 
who had resigned the profitable appointment of Collec- 
tor of Barbadoes, and with bag and baggage, includ- 
ing five marriageable daughters, had come over 
to assume the Controllership of the finances of the 
expected territorial acquisition. The young ladies, 
being well educated and quite fashionable, were to take 
the lead in the gay assemblies in New Orleans. Oh ! 
how keen must have been the chagrin of these gentle 



394: JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

maidens, to be compelled thus to return to the dull 
circles ox Barbadoes ! 

It was whilst these Americans were detained on the 
Tonnant, that the British landed a large force on the 
tongue of land at the extremity of which stands Fort 
Bowyer, and surrounded it on the sea-side by their 
squadron, and by gradual approaches, by cutting off all 
reinforcements, and bringing a powerful force of rifle- 
men to bear on the fort, from trenches, which were 
extended within fifty yards of the guns, and by estab- 
lishing several redoubts, with heavy eighteen and 
twenty-four pounders, during all of which operations 
the fort kept up a brisk fire, succeeded in compelling 
Colonel Lawrence to capitulate on honorable terms. 
Lawrence had less than four hundred men, his provi- 
sions were greatly reduced, and the rude and ill-made 
fort was entirely indefensible against an attack by land. 
Lawrence had gained glory enough in his brilliant 
defence on the 15th September, 1814, to save his capi- 
tulation from the slightest suspicion or censure. A 
whole British brigade, composed of the 4th, 21st, and 
44th regiments, and the 95th rifles, cutting off commu- 
nications with Mobile, whence a reinforcement had been 
sent to his relief, under Major Blue, and the presence of 
the powerful squadron in their front, would have ren- 
dered further resistance rash and vain. The capture of 
Fort Bowyer was a preparatory measure to an expedi- 
tion against Mobile, with the possession of which, the 
British hoped to obliterate the shame of their failure 
before New Orleans. Lawrence marched the garrison 
out of Fort Bowyer with all the honors of war. The 
capitulation was so arranged as to enable some of the 



THE FltfALE. 395 

naval commanders to get up a drama which might add 
to the importance of the achievement. A great dinner 
was given on the occasion, on board the Tonnant, at 
which Admiral Codrington took the head of the table, 
and the Americans were seated on his right. After a 
sumptuous repast, and as the dessert and wines were 
brought on the table, the curtains of the cabin were 
drawn aside, and a full view of Fort Bowyer presented 
to the company at the very moment when the American 
flag descended the staff, and that of Great Britain, 
ascending under a salute of artillery, waved in its 
place. "Well, Colonel Livingston, you perceive," 
remarked Admiral Codrington, " that our day has com- 
menced," pointing to the British flag. 

" Your good health," replied Mr. Livingston, touch- 
ing glasses with the exultant Briton. " We do not 
begrudge you that small consolation." 

Small it proved, indeed, as the opening fortunes of 
the British were suddenly closed by an event which 
occurred on the 13th, just two days after the surrender 
of Fort Bowyer. On that day Mr. E. D. Shepherd 
was standing on the deck of the Tonnant conversing 
with Admiral Malcolm, a gentleman of the most amia- 
ble and genial manners, when a gig approached with 
an ofhcer, who coming aboard the Tonnant, presented 
to the Admiral a package. On opening and reading 
the contents, Admiral Malcolm took off his cap and 
gave a loud hurrah. Then turning to Mr. Shepherd, 
he seized his hand and grasping it warmly, exclaimed, 
"Good news! good news! We are friends. The 
Brazen has just arrived outside, with the news of peace. 
I am delighted!" adding, in an under tone, " I have 
bated this war from the beginning." 



396 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

Thus, was the design against Mobile happily nipped 
in the bud. Mr. Livingston and his companions 
returned to General Jackson, with the news of the peace, 
on the 19th February. Jackson announced the news to 
his army, but warned them that the treaty had not been 
officially announced, and they must not be thrown off 
their guard by the mere report. The ratification of the 
treaty, by our Government, was essential to its validity. 

Another incident which marked the intercourse of 
the Americans and British, during the sojourn of the 
latter on Dauphin island, is worthy to be here inserted. 
It is related in an address, delivered by a surviving 
veteran of Plauche^s battalion, who now commands the 
brigade of which that battalion was the origin and 
nucleus, Brigadier-General H. W. Palfrey. Whilst the 
British w r ere on Dauphin island, a young corporal who 
belonged to one of the most respectable Creole families, 
attached to the Carabiniers, was sent with a flag of 
truce to the British camp, to endeavor to persuade the 
slaves, who had been taken off by the British, to return 
to their owners. 

The young corporal, then in his citizen's dress, carried 
strong letters of recommendation from General Jackson 
to the Commander-in-chief, General Lambert, and to 
the Admiral of the fleet, and from Edward Livingston, 
Esq., to Admiral Cochrane. The answer of the British 
General was, that he could not compel any of the slaves 
to return; that they had followed the army against his 
will; but that any of them who would voluntarily 
return, might do so, and for that purpose he would 
facilitate an interview with them, both on the island 
and on board of the fleet lying in and off the Mobile 
Bay, which was done. Many of those slaves had 



THE FINALE. S97 

sailed a day or two before, for some of the West Lvc&s 
Islands ; and of those remaining, forty or fifty consents 
to return, and did return. 

On the night of the 23d December, the late Landry 
Lacoste was taken by surprise, at his brother's planta- 
tion, below town, by General Keane's Division, when 
the General gave him his word of honor that all pre 
perty of Louisianians would be respected, and that all 
cattle used by the army would be paid for. After the 
retreat of the army, Mr. Lacoste having ascertained his 
loss of cattle, prepared a statement of the same, amount- 
ing to about $350, and placed it in the hands of the 
young corporal, with a request that he would demand 
payment of the same from General Keane. The corpo- 
ral accordingly called upon the General, at his quarters, 
and found him leaning on a large pine tree — he not 
having recovered from a wound received in the thigh, in 
the battle of the 8th January. On being presented 
w T ith the account, the General colored and immediately 
said — 

" Sir, this is a most extraordinary demand. "When 
the promise was made to pay such claims, it was under 
the belief that the Creoles would have sided with us, or 
at least remained neutral ; and they have, on the con- 
trary, shown themselves our bitterest enemies ; for such 
of them as have been our prisoners, have deceived us in 
every information given by them." 

To which the corporal answered : 

" Thank you, General, for this declaration, that among 
the Creoles you have not been able to find a traitor, for 
I am one of them. The message I have brought is from 
a friend who merely requested me to remind a British 



S98 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

officer of his word of honor. I have fulfilled my prom- 
ise to him, and have nothing more to say." 

With this remark, the corporal retired, and was about 
one hundred yards from the pine tree when stopped by 
one of the General's aids, with a polite request to return 
to him ; to which the corporal answered — ■ 

" Say to your General, if he has any message to send 
to me, that I will receive it under that flag," pointing to 
the vessel which had brought him to the island. 

An hour after, a small bag of money, containing three 
hundred and fifty dollars, in English money, was placed 
in the hands of the corporal. About twenty-five years 
afterwards, Mr. Landry Lacoste having died, the very 
same bag was brought by his executor to the corporal, 
then a merchant, to ascertain the value of that money 
in New Orleans. 

While on the island, the Commander-in-chief gave a 
splendid dinner to the young corporal in the cabin of 
the old Dauphin island pilot Lamour. He was seated 
between General Lambert and Admiral Cochrane, in 
full uniform, with* their brilliant staff. Among the 
guests was Colonel Burgoyne, of the corps of engineers, 
Major Smith, who fell in the field of Waterloo, Captain 
D'Este, son of the late Duke of Sussex, and a young 
American ofiicer of the Navy, sent out by the Commo- 
dore of the New Orleans station to arrange an exchange 
of prisoners. This was the dinner party at which the 
young corporal had found himself; nor had he ever 
drunk wines or liquors of any sort before. Challenged 
by every one of the company to a glass of wine, he 
thought that good breeding required that he should 
drink bumpers, and it was not long before he felt as if 



THE FINALE. 399 

the number of guests around the table was doubling, 
and the cabin dancing. His blood was aroused by some 
indiscreet remarks made by Captain D'Este, who, per- 
ceiving from his dress that he was not an officer of high 
grade, rather abruptly asked him his rank in the army. 

" Corporal !" was the prompt response. 

After a short pause, to see the effect upon the com- 
pany, the corporal continued — 

" I have told you, sir, my rank in the army, and I 
will now tell you the rank in society of an American 
volunteer corporal. Whenever our country is attacked, 
every citizen becomes a soldier. The moment it was 
known you intended invading Louisiana, the whole 
country prepared to meet you ; we knew that we would 
do so with a bold heart, but we also knew that we were 
ignorant of the art of war ; so that in organizing we 
elected for our leaders, not the exalted in social position, 
or worldly wealth, but such as were known to have 
military experience. And so it is that most of the 
volunteers who met you on the 23d of December and 
8th of January, were commanded by mechanics and 
tradesmen, emigrant veterans of the French army, 
whilst the ranks numbered the elite of the city. Sir, 
what do you think of our citizen soldiers V 

General Lambert at once replied, 

" I know all this ; and had Captain. D'Este inquired^ 
I could have enlightened him on that subject ?" 

After this, the gallant young corporal was much feted 
among the officers of the British army and navy. 

At length, on the 13th of March, General Jackson 
received official confirmation of the ratification of the 
treaty, which he communicated to General Lambert, 
and announced to the army, in a general order, revoking 



400 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

the general order relative to martial law, ordering a 
final cessation of hostilities against Great Britain, and 
proclaiming a general pardon for all military offences, 
and the enlargement of all persons confined for the 
same. The following day Jackson discharged his 
militia, after a warm tribute to their gallantry and 
devotion. These patriotic men, after passing through 
the campaign with little loss, began to suffer greatly, in 
their camps, from dysentery. At least five hundred 
fell victims to it in the course of one month. The Bri- 
tish suffered from the same cause, in their encampment 
on Dauphin Island. There were as many as two thou- 
sand on the sick list at one time. 

After the revocation of martial law, occurred the affair 
which has been so much discussed in political circles, the 
imposition of a fine of one thousand dollars, by Judge 
Dominick Hall, upon General Jackson, for a contempt 
of Court in imprisoning the Judge. An exceedingly 
angry discussion grew out of the matter, which was 
handed down to the succeeding generation, and only ter- 
minated a short time before the death of the General. 
Suffice it to say, respecting a controversy, which is now 
ended, that the Judge regarded his arrest as an unjusti- 
fiable outrage upon the dignity of his court, and required 
Jackson to show cause why he should not be punished. 
Jackson responded, and besides many legal exceptions, 
contended that martial law had been rendered necessary 
by the emergencies of the State, that he had been advised 
to declare it by the leading dignitaries of the country, 
including Judge Hall ; that it had proved to be a most 
beneficial measure ; that under this law he had arrested 
and imprisoned Louallier for creating mutiny and disaf- 
fection in the camp ; that Judge Hall had disregarded 



THE FINALE. 401 

the martial law and undertaken to take cognizance of a 
military offence, and restore the arrested party to his 
liberty and to the power of producing further difficulty. 
For this he had directed his arrest. The reasons were 
deemed insufficient, and the General was condemned to 
a line of one thousand dollars. The court, when this 
order was entered up, was crowded with the friends and 
admirers of Jackson. They were disposed to manifest 
their dissatisfaction in a turbulent manner. But they 
were soon silenced by the noble demeanor of Jackson. 
He immediately drew a check for §1000, handed it to 
the Marshal, and retiring from the court-room, was 
greeted by loud cheers from the crowd in the streets. 
Conducted to Maspero's coffee-house (at present the St. 
Louis Exchange), he addressed his friends, urging upon 
them to manifest their appreciation of the liberty for 
which they had so gallantly fought, by imitating that 
prompt submission which it was the duty of a good 
citizen to render to the authorities of his country. Im- 
mediately a subscription was started to refund the thou- 
sand dollars paid under the orders of Judge Hall. The 
amount was raised in a few minutes, a generous struggle 
and rivalry arising among the citizens to subscribe the 
requisite sum. It was deposited in the Bank upon 
which Jackson had drawn his check, but the stern soldier 
refused to receive the amount, and desired that it should 
be placed at the disposal of the ladies, to be expended 
in providing for the widows and orphans of those who 
had died in the defence of the city. Thirty-seven years 
after these occurrences, when Jackson had approached 
the limits of human life, and was totaling to the grave, 
the remembrance of this incident eruhi^ered his 
thoughts and clouded the declining cud of L\\ Efr. He 



402 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

had outlived all the reproaches, censures, hostilities and 
jealousies which his eventful life had provoked. A 
grateful people had manifested their affection and grati- 
tude by elevating him to the highest honors of the 
Bepublic ; his political and civil battles had been 
crowned with as great and brilliant victories as that 
which closed his military career; and now this spot 
alone lino-erecl on his escutcheon, and blurred the bright 
pages of his history ! Softened by religion and age, the 
old hero responded to the solicitations of his friends, that 
it would add to the calm dignity and quiet of his pas- 
sage from this to another and better world, if this single 
reproach upon his character could be obliterated. The 
Congress of the Nation honored itself and gratified the 
people by refunding this fine, and thus enabled the 
Hero of New Orleans to sink into the long-yawning 
grave, beneath the oaks of the Hermitage, with a placid 
dignity worthy of his great career. 

But we anticipate. The chagrin of this judicial fine 
was more than compensated by the tokens of public 
gratitude, which were showered upon Jackson from every 
part of the country. Congress, taking the lead, passed 
resolutions full of eloquent gratitude to Jackson and his 
comrades in arms. The legislatures of the various 
States followed with equally earnest and eloquent ex- 
pressions. There was but one Legislature which with- 
held from Jackson this tribute, and that was the Legisla- 
ture of the State which he had rescued from invasion 
and dishonor. A sense of dignity more than a want of 
gratitude prompted this omission. The Legislature had 
been harshly dealt with, not by Jackson, but by those 
who, having the command of Jackson's ear, sought to 
enlist his power and influence against their political 



THE FINALE. 403 

• 

foes. Hence the stories about the treachery and infi- 
delity of the legislators, which, though recorded in all 
the histories, have no other source but party malice or 
idle gossip. The calumny has obtained a place in all 
the volumes written in reference to* this affair, that the 
Legislature had really discussed and considered the expe- 
diency of surrendering the State to the British. There 
is not a tittle of proof to sustain this charge. The Legis- 
lature, reflecting the state of parties among the people, 
was divided into various personal and partisan factions. 
There was a French, or Creole, and an American party ; 
there was a party for, and a party against, Governor 
Claiborne. There were representatives of the old Fede- 
ral and Republican parties. But there was no party 
that was friendly to the British, or indisposed to a 
vigorous resistance. Governor Claiborne imparted to 
Jackson's mind some anxiety about the fidelity of the 
Creoles. The want of confidence which they had mani- 
fested in the Governor was ascribed by him to disloyalty 
to the Republic, of which they had become citizens. 
Others of" the American party" confirmed this appre- 
hension. Bat it was founded on error, misconception, or 
blind jealousy. The whole population of ISTew Orleans 
was true and loyal. None were more ardent and bitter 
in their opposition to the British than the descendants 
of their hereditary foe — the gallant sons of La Belle 
France. 

It is not necessary to the greatness or fame of Jack- 
son that the population of JSTew Orleans should be 
calumniated and falsely accused. It is time, indeed, 
that those who have committed this error of logic, of 
truth and justice, should acknowledge and retract a slanr 
der and suspicion so peculiarly unjust and inapplicable 



404 



JACKSON AND NEW OELEANS. 



to the city which gave the most brilliant proof of loyalty 
and devotion to the Union and Republic that can be 
found in history. 

It has been said that there were spies who communi- 
cated to the British the state of affairs in the city. We 
have shown in one of our early chapters who they 
were. A few poor miserable fishermen, of no national ty, 
who lived in the swamps and bayous, were moved by 
their necessities and the glitter of what, to them, seemed 
untold wealth, to act this base part. 

The circumstance of the Legislature being excluded 
by an armed force from their halls has been grossly mis- 
represented. That occurrence sprung from a grave 
misconception. The Speaker of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, a French refugee, from St. Domingo, who 
had lost a large property by the English invasion of 
that island, including one of the militia colonels, spoke 
with great concern and alarm of the reported threat of 
Jackson, in case his lines were carried, to fall back upon 
the city, fire it, and fight the enemy amid the flames. 
The militia colonel reported the conversation to one of 
Jackson's aids, with the expression of his belief or sus- 
picion, that the Legislature was about to discuss the 
policy of surrendering the city. The aid mixed the 
tacts and his suspicions together, and communicated 
them to Jackson, whilst he was riding along the lines in 
the midst of the cares, perils and excitements of the 
camp. Jackson sent his aid to Governor Claiborne, 
and directed him to inquire and ascertain the truths of 
the statements, and if they were correct, to blow up the 
Legislature. The Governor, on receiving this message, 
adopted a middle course. He could find no facts to 
justify the charge, but deemed it prudent to occupy the 






THE FINALE. 405 

Hall of the Legislature with troops, and set a guard 
over the representatives. It was a harsh, unjust, un- 
called-for measure. After one day's suspension, the 
Legislature met, and its first action was to vindicate its 
honor, which it did, with dignity and manliness. For 
this reason the Legislature, not so much for the indig- 
nity offered to it, but because it looked to Jackson for 
defence and reparation against the calumnies of which 
it had been the object, omitted in its resolution of thanks, 
and in the letter of congratulation addressed to the 
several chiefs, the tribute to him who was the great 
hero and chief over all. The modest and noble Coffee, 
in responding to the letter of thanks addressed to him, 
by order of the Legislature, reproved, with exquisite 
delicacy, this unworthy omission : " While," he said, 
" we indulge the pleasing emotions that are thus pro- 
duced, we should ..be guilty of great injustice, as well to 
merit as to our own feelings, if we withheld from the 
Commander-in-chief, to whose wisdom and exertions 
we are so much indebted for our success, the expression 
of our highest admiration and applause. To his firm- 
ness, his skill, his gallantry — to that confidence and- 
unanimity among all ranks, produced by those quali- 
ties, we must chiefly ascribe the splendid victories, in 
which we esteem it a happiness and an honor to have 
been a part." Praise from such a source — the tribute 
of one hero to another — will amply compensate for the 
silence, or even the censure of the legislators of that 
epoch, or of those who sought to perpetuate their ani- 
mosities. 

The gratitude which Jackson had so profoundly ex- 
cited in the bosom of the great popular masses, recon- 
ciled him to all the mortifications which the necessities 



406 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

of his position had elicited. With his soldiers, the gal- 
lant militia and regulars, who had shared his toils, this 
feeling warmed into the wildest enthusiasm, like tinder 
touched by the spark, at the indication of ingratitude, 
by their political representatives. A glorious demon- 
stration of this feeling was afforded on the plains of 
]\Iacarte, on the old camp ground, where all the troops 
then in the city assembled on the 16th March, little 
over two months since the battle, to fight over that 
glorious fight — realize the brilliancy of their achieve- 
ment, and for the last time survey the arena of their 
glory and gallantry. General Edmund P. Gaines, the 
hero of Fort Erie, appeared on the field, at the head of 
the 3d, 7th, and Mth regulars and the uniformed volun- 
teers of the city. The army was reviewed by Jackson. 
An address was then presented to him, signed by the 
commanders of the volunteer companies, which glowed 
with affection, devotion and gratitude. 

And thus Jackson parted from his comrades in arms, 
leaving in the hearts of them all, feelings, which still 
animate the souls of the few remaining veterans of that 
epoch, who linger among their descendants, as beacons 
to guide and excite the patriotism of the present gene- 
ration. 

After transacting other duties of an unimportant char- 
acter, Jackson handed over the command to General 
Gaines, and left the city for his residence at Nashville. 
The honors he there received — the further transactions 
of his life — his political and civil career, surpassing in 
grandeur his brief military service, do not fall within 
the scope of these sketches. We cheerfully resign these 
themes to abler hands. Our ambition will be satisfied 
if we have succeeded in bringing more distinctly before 



THE FINALE. 407 

the minds of our readers, the events of the campaign, 
which has indissolubly blended, in undying glory, the 
names of Jackson and New Orleans. 

The British remained on Dauphin island until the 
17th of March. After refusing to restore the slaves of 
the planters, that had accompanied them, by which 
several citizens wdio had rendered signal service in the 
defence of the city experienced severe losses, they 
were reduced to the mortification of sending to New 
Orleans for supplies to keep them from starving. The 
Americans returned good for evil, and supplied them 
liberally with what they needed, at moderate rates. 
After a dull and dreary sojourn of some weeks, on 
Dauphin island, which they relieved by various amuse- 
ments, such as sham battles, theatrical entertainments, 
and other devices to enliven the dull hours of camp 
life, the long wished-for supplies from Cuba at last 
arrived, and the army being all reembarked ; the fleet 
left the shores of the Gulf of Mexico on the 17th of 
March, 1815. Arriving off the coast of France in the 
middle of May, great was the astonishment of the 
British troops to observe the tri-color floating from the 
Castle at Brest. As they approached the coast of their 
own island, the astounding intelligence was communi- 
cated to the fleet, that Bonaparte had arrived in France, 
and Europe w r as again in arms. Some of these weather- 
beaten and war-worn troops, who had earned a title to 
rest after the terrible fatigues and trials through which 
they had passed, received orders before they landed to 
reembark immediately for Belgium, wdiere Wellington 
was assembling his army, to march against his old 
antagonist. Gen. Lambert received intelligence of hia 
being honored with knighthood for his gallantry and 



4:08 JACKSON AXD NT3W ORLEANS. 

good conduct at New Orleans, and received also 
at the same time, an order to join Wellington. He 
promptly obeyed, and at the head of the 10th Brigade 
composed of the 4th, the 27th, the 40th and Slst, acted 
a conspicuous part in the great battle of Waterloo. The 
old luck of the army of New Orleans still adhered to 
him, and the troops which had formed a part of that 
army, and their loss at Waterloo was greater than that 
of any other brigade in Wellington's army. Besides 
the severe loss of this brigade, Lambert experienced 
another great disaster in the death of his accomplished 
secretary, who had acted with Mr. Livingston in arrang- 
ing the terms of the armistice and the cartel for 
prisoners after the battle of the 8th of January: we 
refer to Maj. K. G. Smith of the Kifles. Of the other 
officers, Lieut. Colonel Brooke, of the 4th, was the only 
one who led his regiment, though not the battalion he 
commanded at New Orleans. There was also a bat- 
talion of the 44th commanded by Lieutenant Colonel 
Hamerton, which was greatly distinguished at Quatre 
Bras and Waterloo. Its gallant conduct almost redeemed 
the alleged disgrace of the other battalion, which, with 
its commander, Colonel Mullens, were made the scape- 
goats of the disaster of New Orleans. " Colonel Mullens 
was tried by a court martial at Dublin, in the summer 
of 1815, and dismissed from the army on the following 
charge : 

"For having, on the 8th of January 1815, shamefully neglected 
and disobeyed the order he had received from the late Major-Gene- 
ral Gibbs, commanding the 2d brigade, to collect the fascines and 
ladders, and to be formed with them at the head of the column of 
attack at the time directed; and, in disobedience of the said 
orders, suffering the regiment under his command to pass the 



THE FINALE. 409 

redoubt where the fascines and ladders were lodged, and remaining 
at the head of the column for half an hour or upwards, without 
taking any steps to put the 44th regiment in possession of the 
fascines and ladders, in conformity with said orders, knowing the 
period of attack to be momently approaching; in consequence of 
which disobedience and neglect, the 44th regiment, on being led 
to the redoubt, and returning hurriedly with fascines, &c, was 
thrown into confusion, and moved off the attack in an irregular 
and unconnected manner, leading to the firing and disorder which 
ensued on the attacking column, and the disasters attending it." 

The bad name and misfortune of the 44th adhered to 
the regiment many years after. It was condemned to 
a long service in India, where, on one occasion the men 
of the regiment broke out into open mutiny, and mur- 
dered several of their officers. At Alliwal, however, 
the regiment was greatly distinguished, and after 
being terribly cut up, maintaining its position gallantly, 
regained the reputation it lost at New Orleans. Its 
colors were restored, and it has ever since maintained a 
high rank in the British army. The other regiments, 
on their arrival from ISTew Orleans, were ordered into 
recruiting service. 

Once more the 93d Highlanders entered the old town 
of Plymouth, where, a few months before, their grand 
review had excited so much enthusiasm and admiration! 
What a dreary, shattered band is that which now creeps 
out of the ships, with ragged tartans that have long 
since lost their original colors, haggard faces, skeleton 
figures ! They are a few over two hundred, including 
wounded and all ; many of them are on crutches ; some 
wear their arms in slings, and the faces of others are 
marked with ghastly scars. And this is the remnant 
of the splendid array, which the Prince of Orange had 

18 



410 JACKSON AND NEW ORLEANS. 

reviewed, and the officers of tlie army and the people 
of Plymouth, had regarded with so much pride and 
admiration just nine months before. It was a long time 
before the ranks of the 93d were again fillecl. This 
gallant regiment has, however, again resumed its former 
numbers and effectiveness, and now (1855) forms a part 
of the allied army in the Crimea, and under Sir Colin 
Campbell, was greatly distinguished at Balaklava, in 
the repulse of a charge of Russian cavalry, effected 
without the usual formation into squares. 

Of the other regiments, we have no special facts of 
importance to record. Of the officers who held promi- 
nent command at New Orleans, the career of General 
Keane has been the most distinguished. After the w T ar, 
General Keane w T as placed in command of the troops, 
and invested with the Lieutenant-Governorship of 
Jamaica. He filled the station for several years, lead- 
ing a quiet life in that delightful island, and passing 
much of his leisure time in hunting, and spearing alli- 
gators — his favorite sport. But desiring a more active 
sphere, he at last obtained a command in India, where 
he served with such distinction, as to merit the high 
encomiums of his government, and earn the honors of 
knighthood. For subsequent services he was finally 
created Lord Keane, and, returning to his estate in Ire- 
land, died about the year 1S45. 

Sir John Lambert was ordered to the command in 
Jamaica, which Keane had filled, and died on that 
island in 1848. 

There was another prominent officer in the attack, of 
New Orleans whose subsequent career was pursued by 
the same evil fortune which marked his earlier cam- 
paign. We refer to Sir John Burgoyne, who, before 



THE FINALE. 411 

Sevastopol, as chief of the fortifications of the British 
army, has experienced another proof of the inadequacy 
of art and experience in engineering to overcome the 
zeal of an animated and patriotic people, engaged in 
the defence of their own soil. Sir De Lacy Evans, who 
was quite a conspicuous officer as Assistant Quarter 
Master-General in Packenkam's army, and was wounded 
on the 23d December and on the 8th of January, 
escaped many dangers and acquired no little distinction 
as Major-General of the Second Division of the British 
army at Alma, at Balaklava and Inkermann. Sir E. T. 
Blakeney, who commanded the Fusiliers (77th^ Packen- 
ham's "own," Sir F. Stoven, who was severely wounded 
in the battle of the 23d, and Sir James McDougal, in 
whose arms both General Boss, and Packenham died 
still survive, though from their age and infirmities, 
excluded, in a measure, from the toils of active service. 



THE END. 



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name is not unknown to the reading public ; and we congratulate her on the increase of 
reputation which ' Isora's Child ' will bring her when her present incognito 6hall be 
removed."— Burlington (Vt.) Sentinel. 

"This book starts off with its chapter first, and introduces the reader at once to the 
heroes and incidents of the really charming story. He will speedily find himself interested 
as well by the graceful style and the skill with which the different scenes are arranged, 
as by the beauty of the two principal characters, and the lessons of loving faith, hope, and 
patience, which will meet him at the turning of almost every leaf. This is one of the best 
productions of its kind that has been issued this season, and promises to meet Willi 
warm approval and abundant success." — Detroit Daily Democrat. 

"Another anonymous novel, and a successful one. There is more boldness and origi- 
nality both in its conception and in its execution than in almost any work cf fiction we 
have lately read. Its characters are few, well delineated, and consistently managed. 
There is no crowding and consequent confusion among the dramatis persona. There 
are two heroines, however, Flora and Cora, both bewitching creatures, and, what if 
better, noble, true-liearted women, especially the former, Isora's child — the dark-eyed and 
passionate, but sensitive, tender, and loving daughter of Italy. The work will make it.* 
mark. Who is the author? "We guess a lady, and that this is her first book."— Weekly 
Life Illustrated. 

"Its incidents are novel and effectively managed; and its style possesses both earnest 
vigor and depth of pathos, relieved by occasional flashes of a pleasing and genial humor. 
Among the crowd of trashy publications now issued from the press, a work as true to 
nature, and as elevated and just in its conceptions of the purposes of life, as this is, is all 
the more welcome because it is so rare. We have no doubt it will be as popular as it is 
interesting."— Albany Evening Journal. 

" We have seldom perused a work of fiction that gave us more real pleasure tha.i 
thia. From first to last page, it enchains the attention, and carries your sympathies 
along with the fortunes of the heroine. The descriptive powers of the unknown authoress 
are of the loftiest order, and cannot fail of placing her in the first ranks of authorship.'. 
- < tnoinnaU Daily Sun. 

"A story which perpetually keeps curiosity on the alert, and as perpetually b a fli-i W 
till it reaches its donoument, is certainly a good on«."— Buffalo Commercial Advertiser. 



J. C. DERBY S PUBLICATIONS. 



EXTKA0&DI1TARY PUBLICATION 



MY COURTSHIP AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 

BY HENRY WIKOFF. 
A true account of the Author's Adventures in England, Switzerland, and 
Italy, with Miss J. C. Gamble, of Portland Place, London. 1 elegant 
12mo. Price, in cloth, $1 25. 

The extraordinary sensation produced in literary circles by Mr. Wikoff 's charming 
romance of real life, is exhausting edition after edition of his wonderful book. From 
lengthy reviews, among several hundred received, we extract the following brief notices 
of the press : 

" "We prefer commending the book as beyond question the most amusing of the season, 
and we commend it without hesitation, because the moral is an excellent one."— Albion. 
" With unparalleled candor he has here unfolded the particulars of the intrigue, taking 
the whole world into his confidence—' bearing his heart on his sleeve for daws to peck 
at'— and, in the dearth of public amusements, presenting a piquant nine days' wonder 
for the recreation of society."— .tf". Y. Tribune. 

44 The work is very amusing, and it is written in such a vein that one cannot refrain 
from frequent bursts of laughter, even when the Chevalier is in positions which might 
claim one's sympathy."— Boston Evening Gazette. 

44 A positive autobiography, by a man of acknowledged fashion, and an associate of 
nobles and princes, telling truly how he courted and was coquetted by an heiress in high 
life, is likely to be as popular a singularity in the way of literature as could well be thought 
of."— Rome Journal. 

44 The ladies are sure to devour it. It is better and more exciting than any modern 
romance, as it is a detail of facts, and every page proves conclusively that the plain, 
unvarnished tale of truth is often stranger than fiction."— Baltimore Dispatch. 

44 The book, therefore, has all the attractions of a tilt of knight-errants— with this addi- 
tion, that one of the combatants is a woman— a species of heart-endowed Amazon."— 
Newark Daily Mercury. 

44 If you read the first chapter of the volume, you are in for 4 finis,' and can no more 
stop without the consent of your will than the train of cars can stop without the consent 
of the engine."— Worcester Palladium. 

44 Seriously, there is not so original, piquant and singular a book in American literature 
its author is a sort of cross between Fielding, Chesterfield, and Rochefoucault."— Boston 
Chronicle. 

44 With the exception of Rosseau's Confessions, we do not remember ever to have heard 
of any such self-anatomization of love and the lover."— N. Y. Empress. 

"The book has cost us a couple of nighto' sleep; and we have no doubt it has cost ita 
author and principal subject a good many more."— N. Y. Evening Mirror. 

44 The work possesses all the charm and fascination of a continuous romance."— AT. Y 
Journal of Commerce. 



J. c. derby's publications. 



"Bell's sketches are instinct with life, they sparkle with brilliants, are gem- 
med with wit, and address themselves to almost every ehord of the human 
heart." — Louisville (Ky.) Bulletin. 



BELL SMITH ABROAD. 

A Handsome 12mo. volume. Price $1 00. With Illustrations by Realy, 
Walcutt, and Overarche. 

" The readers of the Louisville Journal need no introduction from us to Bell Smith. 
Her own brilliant pen, and her own sparkling, witching and delightful style have so often 
graced the columns of this paper, and have made so many friends and admirers for her, 
that we need say but little toward creating a demand for this charming volume. But 
some tribute is nevertheless due to Bell Smith for the real pleasure she has imparted in 
every chapter of her book, and that tribute we cheerfully pay. Her admirable powers 
seem so much at home in every variety and phase of life, that she touches no subject 
without making it sparkle with the lights of her genius."— Louisville Journal. 

" She is ever piquant in her remarks, and keen from observation ; and the result is 
that her ' Abroad' is one of the most interesting collections of incident and comment, fun 
and pathos, seriousness and gossip, which has ever fallen under our notice." — JSoston 
Evening Traveller. 

" It is dashing and vigorous without coarseness — animated with a genial humor — 
showing acute and delicate perceptions — and sustained by a bracing infusion of common 
sense."— 2T. Y. Tribune. 

"There are many delicate strokes, and not a little of that vivacity of description 
which entertains. The author shows her best side when matters of home-feeling and 
affection engage her pen."— N. Y. Evangelist. 

" History, art and personal narrative are alike imprinted in your memory by the asso- 
ciations of anecdote, merry and grave, and you feel that you are listening to the magical 
voice of ' Bell Smith' at home. Such volumes enrich and honor American literature." — 
Philadelphia Merchant. 

" This is a capital book ; full of life, spirit, vivacity and information — thoroughly lady- 
like, and telling precisely what everybody wants to hear, so far as the author knows." — 
Salem Gazette. 

" Spirited and artistic! Bell Smith sparkles, and dashes on, amusing and interesting. 
A capital book for a leisure hour or railroad travel, or for those seasons when you want 
to be pleased without effort."— Cleveland Leader. 

" We like Bell Smith and Bell Smith's book. A lively, free, dashing style, she talks 
an, and nothing is wanting but the merry laugh we know she is owner of to make us 
think we are listening to a very Interesting woman." — Chicago Journal. 

"Lively, gossiping, chatting, witty, sparkling Bell Smith, we must confess your book 
has quite enchanted us." — N. Y. Day Book. 

" In freshness, piquancy, and delightful episodes, illustrative of foreign life and man- 
ners, they have rarely been equalled." — Xational Era. 



j. e. derby's publications. 



THK GREEN MOUNTAIN TRAVELLERS' 
ENTERTAINMENT. 

BY JO SI AH BARNES, SEN. 

12mo. $1. 

41 They will be read with earnest sympathy and heartfelt approval by all who enjoy 
quiet pictures of the homely, yet often charming scenes of daily life. The style well 
befits the thoughts expressed, and is equally simple and impressive. We have found in 
these pages better than a • traveller's entertainment '— one which will mingle with the 
pleasant recollections of a home Preside."— Providence Daily Post. 

" If any of our friends wish to get hold of a book written in a style of pure and beau- 
tiful English, that reminds one of Irving continually ; a book rich with inventions of the 
marvellous, and yet abounding in sweet humanities and delicate philosophies— a book 
that will not tire and cannot offend, let them go to a bookstore and buy ' The Old Inn ; 
or, the Travellers' Entertainment,' by Josiah Barnes, Sen. It will pay th? leader well." 
Springfield {Mass.) Republican. 

"It should be praise enough to say that the author reminds one occasionally ol 
Jrvvag.'ir-JPAUadelpaid Bulletin. 

" Unless we err greatly, a volume so markedly original in its outline and features wiU 
attract a large share of attention." — Bosto?i Evening Gazette. 

" This is a very pleasant book. The plan of it, if not new, is just as well carried out. 
♦Five 'r six 'r half-a-dozen ' travellers meet at an indifferent tavern in an indifferent 
part of Vermont, upon a seriously unpleasant day, and to pass away the dull hours, they 
fall to story-telling. The record of their performances in that behalf is made up into the 
volume 'above entitled.' So agreeable became the diversion that not only the evening 
of the first day, but as the following morning was conveniently stormy, the second day 
is consumed in similar diversions. Those who read the book will agree with us, that a 
Btormy .^ay and a country inn, with such alleviation, presents no very great hardship to 
the traveller, unless his business is particularly urgent. We commend the book to those 
fho like a feasant story, pleasantly told."— Budget, Troy, N. Y. 
" Under tne above title we have several interesting stories as told by the various cha- 
pters at tne fireside of a comfortable, old-fashioned inn, to while away the long hours 
t> storm, by which they were detained The Little Dry Man's, the supposed Lawyer's, 
Ai.d the Quaker's stories are all worth listening to. They are well told and entertain the 
r*.jder."— Bangor Journal. 

u This is a series of stories, supposed to be related to while away the time, in an old 
inn, where a party of travellers are storm-stayed, consisting of the • Little Dry Man's 
Story,' the ' Supposed Lawyer's Story, 1 ' Incidents of a Day at the Inn,' the 'Quaker's 
Story,' and ' Ellen's Grave.' The stories are well told. There is a charming simplicity 
in the author's style— all the more delightful, because, now-a-days, simplicity of lan- 
guage is a rarity with authors. It is a book to take up at any moment, and occupy a 
leisure hour— to lay aside, and take up again and again. We commend its tone, and 
the object of the author. It is a pleasant companion on a country journey."— #. Y 
Dispatch. 



J c. derby's publications. 



JACK BOWLING'S NEW BOOK 



'WAY DOWN EAST; 

OR, PORTRAITURES OP YANKEE LIFE. 

BY SEBA SMITH, ESQ. 

Illustrated, 12rno. Price $1. 

" We greet the Major, after a long interval, with profound pleasure and respect. Well 
do we remember how, years ago, we used to pore over his lucubrations on the events of 
the time— how he enlightened us by his home-views of the Legislature's doings, of the 
Gineral's intentions, and of the plans of ambitious Uncle Joshua. Here was the ' spot of 
his origin,' and around us were the materials from which he drew his stores of instructive 
wit. Therefore we, of all the reading public, do the most heartily greet his reappearance. 
We find him a little more artistic than of old, more advanced in grammar and orthography, 
but withal displaying the same intimate knowledge of Down Eastdom, and retaining the 
same knack of genuine Yankee humor. In fact, taking all things together, no other 
writer begins to equal him in the delineation of the live Yankee, in the points where that 
individual differs from all the • rest of mankind.' This is his great merit as an author, 
and one which the progress of manners will still further heighten — for it is only in some 
portions of our own State that the real Yankee can now be found. 

" The present book has sixteen chapters devoted to home-stories. They are racy and 
humorous to a high degree." — Portland Daily Advertiser. 

" It is now generally conceded that Seba Smith is the ablest, and at the same time the 
most amusing delineator of Yankee life who has hitherto attempted that humorous style 
of writing — not excepting even Judge Haliburton himself. This is no rash expression, for 
there is not a passage in 'Sam Slick' so graphic, funny and and comical, but we find 
equalled if not surpassed in the sensible and philosophic, although ludicrous epistles, of 
4 Major Jack Downing' — epistles of which we defy the most stupid to glance at a para- 
graph without reading the whole." — Philadelphia News. 

" This is a book of real Yankee life, giving the particulars of character and incidents in 
New England, from the Pilgrim fathers and their generations, Connecticut Blue Laws, and 
the civic and religious rules, customs, Ac, from the Nutmeg State away down East, as far 
as Mr. Jones ever thought of going. It is a very laughable affair, and every family in all 
Vankeedora will enjoy its perusal." — Jlinghain (Mass.) Journal. 

" There are few readers who do not desire to keep up an acquaintance with the original 
Major Jack Downing, whose peculiar humor, while it is irresistible in its effects, is nevei 
made subservient to immorality. But these stories are an improvement on those originally 
given by the author, as they are illustrative of Yankee life and character in the good olo 
times of the Pilgrim Fathers."— Christian Advocate and Journal. 

"The stories are the most humorous in the whole range of Yankee literature, full of 
genuine wit, rare appreciation of fun, and giving an insight into human motive which 
shows the close observation and keen relish of life, of a good-humored philosopher. " — 
Saturday Evening Mail. 

" A charmingly interesting book, this, for all who hail from Down East, or who like to 
read good stories of home life among the Yankees."— Saltm Begistee- 

13 



j. c. derby's publications. 



THE GREAT DELUSION OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 



SPIRIT-RAPPINGS UNVEILED ! 

AN EXPOSE OF THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, THEOLOGY, AND PHILOSOPHY 

OF CERTAIN COMMUNICATIONS WITH THE SPIRIT WORLD, 

BY MEANS OF " SPIRIT-RAPPING," " MEDIUM 

WRITING," &C. 

BY THE REV. H. MATIS02T, A. M. 

With Illustrations. A new edition, with an Appendix, containing much 

additional matter. One 12mo vol., price 75 cents. 

" This book is sufficient to make any man cry, if it did not make him laugh. And it 
has made us laugh heartily, not the book itself, or its style, but the subject as it stands 
divested of the miserable, but cunning accessories -which charlatans have wound round 
it. The subject is completely dissected, body and bones, if anything ' spiritual • can be 
said to have those human necessaries. It is strangled, torn asunder, dragged like the 
less hideous Caliban through briars, and torn on the inquisitorial wheel of the author's 
research, shook out like dust from a Dutchman's pipe, swept down like so much cobweb, 
riddled like the- target of a crack company, and altogether ' used up '—in fact, in the 
words of Sir Charles Coldstream, there is ' nothing in it.' The illustrations are very 
humorous and numerous, and the printing excellent." — National Democrat. 

"Mr. Matison attacks the subject at it3 advent in Rochester; scatters the 'Fox' and 
* Fish ' families to the winds with his pertinent reasoning and well-directed sarcasm ; 
marks its progress, upsetting more theories than the spirits ever did tables, and by 
copious extracts from noted 'spiritual' publications, shows the pernicious tendencies of 
'the new philosophy,' exhibiting more deep-laid villainy than even its most inveterate 
enemies had supposed it capable of possessing." — Worcester Palladium. 

" It is decidedly the best thing we have seen on the subject. It is a book of keen logic 
withering satire, and unanswerable facts. He has stripped to absolute nudity, this sys- 
tem of delusion and infidelity ; showing its abettors to be composed of knaves and 
fools !— deceivers and deceived. Let it pass round."— Pittsburgh Christian Advocate. 

" We can only heartily and confidently recommend it to our readers, as thoroughly 
1 unveiling ' the latest humbug of our day, showing it up in all its nakedness and defor- 
mity, and leaving us nothing more to desire on the subject of which it treats." — N. T. 
Church Advocate and Journal. 

" This Is a well printed volume of some 200 pages. The author is, of course, a 
disbeliever in modern spiritualism, and the book is the result of his investigations of the 
so-called phenomenon. It gives a history of the rise of spirit knocking, in connection 
with the Fox family, and its progress to medium writing, table tipping, &c. The writer 
6eems to have performed the task he gave himself with considerable thoroughness and 
great industry. We commend the book to the perusal of those who, unwilling to give up 
common sense and the teachings of reason and philosophy, have, nevertheless, found in 
the demonstrations of so-called Spiritualism much that they have been unable to account 
for except upon the theory of the ' Sp'ritualista ' themselves."— Troy Whig. 



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